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Friday 15 December 2017

The Indian monsoon variability and civilization changes in the Indian subcontinent

Although while describing the periods and their relation with data , they strictly rely on the so called AIT/AMT time frame , the data apparently suggest that during early and mature phases monsoon was strong with warm and wet climate (the phase had climatic stability) and the  intensification happened around  ~4550 YBP, but slowly started to decline though remained considerably strong up to   ~3850 YBP). So the 4.2 ka BP event did not create a sudden impact in ancient India , they reckon start of drier and cooler conditions around ~4100 YBP, but from ~3850 YBP to ~3300YBP , the dry and cool conditions prevailed which coincides with de-urbanization,reduced river flows and eastward migration  . But  the period of ~3400–3050 yr BP according to them, was when conditions improved before getting bad around ~3100 YBP , they reckon after that there was intensification of rain again and after were some more dry periods around 600-500 BC with more dry and wet periods followed. They have tried to link each dry and wet phase, with some significant periods of India's history and pre-history. I must tell this approach can be quite  risky and confusing , though is interesting and innovative nevertheless. 

The Indian monsoon variability and civilization changes in the Indian subcontinent

Gayatri Kathayat,1 Hai Cheng,1,2* Ashish Sinha,3 Liang Yi,4 Xianglei Li,1 Haiwei Zhang,1
Hangying Li,1 Youfeng Ning,1 R. Lawrence Edwards2
The vast Indo-Gangetic Plain in South Asia has been home to some of the world’s oldest civilizations, whose fortunes ebbed and flowed with time—plausibly driven in part by shifts in the spatiotemporal patterns of the Indian summer monsoon rainfall. We use speleothem oxygen isotope records from North India to reconstruct the monsoon’s variability on socially relevant time scales, allowing us to examine the history of civilization changes in the context of varying hydroclimatic conditions over the past 5700 years. Our data suggest that significant shifts in monsoon rainfall have occurred in concert with changes in the Northern Hemisphere temperatures and the discharges of the Himalayan rivers. The close temporal relationship between these large-scale hydroclimatic changes and the intervals marking the significant sociopolitical developments of the Indus Valley and Vedic civilizations suggests a plausible role of climate change in shaping the important chapters of the history of human civilization in the Indian subcontinent.
Yog .

See also :
Holocene landscape dynamics in the Ghaggar-Hakra palaeochannel region at the northern edge of the Thar Desert, northwest India

Thursday 7 December 2017

Indus Administrative Technologies. New data and novel interpretations on the Indus stamp seals and their impressions on clay

Another fantastic research from Dennys Frenez . The presentation is quite beautiful, waiting eagerly for the proper paper .

Indus Administrative Technologies. New data and novel interpretations on the Indus stamp seals and their impressions on clay
This presentation summarizes the results of different studies that I conducted over the past ten years on Indus Civilization stamp seals and their impressions on clay (46th Annual Conference on South Asia, University of Wisconsin-Madison, 26–29 October 2017)

From the presentation :

 Clay sealing technology in the Indus Civilization
Same administrative sealing procedure reconstructed for the Middle East:
Clay sealings used to control and record the access to specific rooms and containers and to the goods they contained
Clay sealings used in the internal administration of the sites and not for securing the integrity of shipped packages
Clay sealings were used to control main types of containers used in the Middle East
Structures and closing devices unique of the Indus Civilization sites
About one/third of the clay sealings have been stamped with more than one seal
(sharing of ownership,storage space or administrative duties?)
Storage and administrative technologies and procedures were adapted to the socioeconomic organization of the different sites or part of the sites
Considering the lower occurrence of clay sealings at Indus sites respect to sites in the Middle East and the use of a different storage technology I think they were not equally used for the daily redistribution of food rations but to control goods and raw materials of pivotal socioeconomic and ideological importance in the Indus society

Yog .

Tuesday 5 December 2017

Holocene landscape dynamics in the Ghaggar-Hakra palaeochannel region at the northern edge of the Thar Desert, northwest India

Here is another important research on Sarasvati (Ghaggar-Hakra) . It seems to suggest that flow continued in post urban phases after major dry ups   , which is quite likely  as per the accounts of Indian tradition . Harsha  in 7th Century said to have  performed for example funeral rites of his father near the Sarasvati . Even today it exists , especially in monsoon season , Ghaggar in upper course (also in other periods) , using google maps you can see it stops only near Suratgarh.
Also the Sarsuti river, which is identified as the original upper course of Sarasvati, is still an ephemeral river.

Holocene landscape dynamics in the Ghaggar-Hakra palaeochannel region at the northern edge of the Thar Desert, northwest India
Julie A.Durcan a David S.G.Thomas a Sanjeev Gupta b Vikas Pawar c Ravindra N.Singh d Cameron A.Petrie e
Precession-forced change in insolation has driven de-intensification of the Asian Monsoon systems during the Holocene. Set against this backdrop of a weakening monsoon, Indus Civilisation populations occupied a number of urban settlements on the Ghaggar-Hakra plains during the mid-Holocene from 4.5 ka until they were abandoned by around 3.9 ka. Regional climatic variability has long been cited as a potential factor in the transformation of Indus society, however there remain substantial gaps in the chronological framework for regional climatic and environmental change at the northern margin of the Thar Desert. This makes establishing a link between climate, environment and society challenging. This paper presents 24 optically stimulated luminescence ages from a mixture of 11 fluvial and aeolian sedimentological sites on the Ghaggar-Hakra floodplain/interfluve, an area which was apparently densely populated during the Indus urban phase and subsequently. These ages identify fluvial deposition which mostly pre-dates 5 ka, although fluvial deposits are detected in the Ghaggar palaeochannel at 3.8 ka and 3.0 ka, post-dating the decline of urbanism. Aeolian accumulation phases occur around 9 ka, 6.5 ka, 2.8 ka and 1.7 ka. There is no clear link to a 4.2 ka abrupt climate event, nor is there a simple switch between dominant fluvial deposition and aeolian accumulation, and instead the OSL ages reported present a view of a highly dynamic geomorphic system during the Holocene. The decline of Indus urbanism was not spatially or temporally instantaneous, and this paper suggests that the same can be said for the geomorphic response of the northern Thar to regional climate change.
Indus Civilisation Fluvial Aeolian OSL dating Palaeo environment Drylands Northern Thar Desert

From the paper :

 6. Conclusion 
This study presents OSL ages for Holocene fluvial and aeolian activity in the Ghaggar-Hakra inter fluve on the northern margin of the Thar Desert. This chronology shows fluvial deposition in the currently visible palaeochannel during the early Holocene from 8.5ka until ~3 ka. More intensive fluvial processes are inferred prior to 5 ka, when thicker fluvial units are deposited. After 3 ka, sediments in the Ghaggar-Hakra channel adjacent to the Indus Civilisation urban site of Kalibangan fine significantly, and slightly further to the west, sediment dated to 3 ka are capped by a silty unit of 0.75 m.This may suggest a weakening of fluvial activity post 3 ka and possibly ephemeral overbank flooding in this area at least. These findings complement other studies in the Ghaggar-Hakra system(e.g. Saini et al., 2009; Saini and Mujtaba, 2010) and are consistentwith regional palaeo hydrological records (e.g. Dixit et al., 2014a,2014b). Like the fluvial sedimentation, aeolian accumulation is recorded across the Holocene, with a period of enhanced accumulation at around 9 ka identified, as well as two ranges of ages at around ~7.1-5.7 ka and later between ~2-1.7 ka. These ages are consistent with regional records of aeolian accumulation in Ghaggar-Hakra region (e.g. Shitaoka et al., 2012) and more broad lyin the Thar Desert (e.g. Kar et al., 1998; Thomas et al., 1999; Singhviand Kar, 2004). In this study we demonstrate phases of fluvial ac-tivity and aeolian accumulation coincide, which should be considered as normal behaviour in a dry land context (Thomas,2013).This evidence adds to the emerging picture of the Holocene Ghaggar-Hakra as a low energy fluvial system broadly driven by regional changes in the monsoon, however, this response appearsto be neither simple nor linear. Thicker units of fluvial sediment are deposited in the early Holocene, although in the sediments sampled, there is no statistically significant change in particle size which can be used to infer a weakening of fluvial transport energies with time. Thinner fluvial units accumulated during the mid-Holocene and the presence of fine sediments, predominantly silts,in the channel close to the Indus Civilisation urban site Kalibangan after 3 ka may represent a phase of weakened fluvial activity.Coeval fluvial and aeolian accumulation provides a view of oscil-lating phases of relative humidity and aridity throughout the Holocene, resulting in the accumulation of dune sediments on the Ghaggar-Hakra inter fluve. Further research considering the geomorphic and environmental response to climatic fluctuation across the full extent of the Ghaggar-Hakra interfluve, which will further improve our understanding of changing environmental conditions under fluctuating monsoon regimes, as well as in form the response of past civilisations to climatic and environmental variability. 

Yog (Science Direct) .

See also :
Counter-intuitive influence of Himalayan river morphodynamics on Indus Civilisation urban settlements

The Chronology of Puranic Kings and Rigvedic Rishis in Comparison with the Phases of the Sindhu–Sarasvati Civilization

Early users of monsoon winds for navigation

Not on something new but a nice article from Current Science .

Early users of monsoon winds for navigation
Sila Tripati
The maritime history of India can be traced back to the Harappan Civilization. Studies suggest that even at that time, monsoon winds and currents assisted in navigation. Recent archaeological exploration and excavations along the Indian margin, Persian Gulf, Red Sea, and coasts of Southeast Asia provide convincing evidence about a maritime network and connections between mariners of India and other parts of the world in ancient times. The author of Periplus of the Erythraean Sea (PES) (60–100 CE) has credited Hippalus (~45 CE), the Greek mariner, with the discovery of monsoon winds and the mid-ocean route to the Indian ports from the Mediterranean. However, archaeological findings of Harappan Civilization, as well as the Vedic and Sangam period texts, suggest that the mariners of India who were trading in the Indian Ocean and adjoining seas had knowledge about monsoon winds much before Hippalus. In this paper, an attempt has been made to demonstrate the fact that knowledge of the monsoon winds was familiar to Indian mariners during the Harappan Civilization as well as in the later period.

 Figure 1. Figure showing the sites mentioned in the text.

 Figure 3 a, b. A seal and a terracotta
amulet from Mohenjo–Daro depict ship
with cabin and birds.

Figures like above  from Mohenjo Daro reminds passages from Rig Veda , like for example RV  I.25.7 about Varuna :
vedā yo vīnāṃ padamantarikṣeṇa patatām | veda nāvaḥ samudriyaḥ|| 
 "He knows the path of birds that fly through heaven, and, Sovran of the sea,He knows the ships that are thereon." (Griffith) 
 "He who knows the track of birds flying through the midspace, knows the (courses of the) boats, since he belongs to the sea." (Jamison-Brereton)
Or  in the old 7th book there is a clear reference to sea travel RV 7.88.3:

ā yad ruhāva varuṇaśca nāvaṃ pra yat samudram īrayāva madhyam| 
"When Varuṇa and I embark together and urge our boat into the midst of ocean" (Griffith)
''When we two, Varuṇa and (I), will board the boat, when we two will raise the middle of the sea ''(Jamison-Brereton)
There are some interesting remarks from Wikipedia on Samudra also :
Samudra and ships[edit]
Some scholars like B.R. Sharma hold that the Rigvedic people may have been shipbuilders engaging in maritime trade.[9] In Rigveda 1.25.7; 7.88.3 and other instances, Samudra is mentioned together with ships. In RV 7.89.4 the rishi Vasishta is thirsting in the midst of water. Other verses mention oceanic waves (RV 4.58.1,11; 7.88.3). Some words that are used for ships are Nau, Peru, Dhi and Druma. A ship with a hundred oars is mentioned in RV 1.116. There were also ships with three masts or with ten oars.[10] RV 9.33.6 says: 'From every side, O Soma, for our profit, pour thou forth four seas filled with a thousand-fold riches."

On Rig Veda, the papers suggestion is quite familiar, with an interesting interpretation on Maruts :

Rig Veda and monsoon winds
Though there are diverse opinions on the
Rig Veda (Rg Veda) (1700 and 1100 BCE)
and its period, it is believed that Rig
Veda is the oldest literary work of the
Indian subcontinent. There are several
hymns that have referred to the wind,
waves, tides, water, thunder and rain,
rivers, sea, etc.4,36,37. Similarly, many
verses praise Parjanya (the thunder and
rain), which shows that the Rig Vedic
people were aware of the rainy season
which comes in a certain period every
year3. Monsoon winds are termed as maruts
in the Rig Veda, whereas in the later
Vedic texts, monsoon was referred to as
salila vada (sahla vada) (the wind from
the ocean, especially SW monsoon)38
the Buddhist texts mentioned kalamegha
(dark clouds) and varshavalshaga (heavy
rains)5,39. Despite the available information
on monsoon, rain, and wind in the
Rig Veda, the following questions were
often asked: was the sea known to the
Rig Vedic people? Were the Rig Vedic
people familiar with seafaring? Numerous
statements can be found in the Rig
Veda concerning Samudra for sea
, Nau,
Nava, Ratha being the general terms for
boat or ship and Navya for navigation or
sailor38. Among all these types of water
crafts, nau was the sea vessel in which
oars, sails, masts and anchors were carried.
During favourable wind, sails were
used so that naus could float and move
with speed
Yog .

It is by no means surprising, that the people of Rig Veda ,with a robust possibility knew about ocean and seafaring . The Sindhu-Sarasvati Civilization, shows strong material and cultural continuity, from Neolithic to Iron ages and even today !. Rig Veda is of course an integral part of that continuity.

Tuesday 28 November 2017

Counter-intuitive influence of Himalayan river morphodynamics on Indus Civilisation urban settlements

In truth nothing new . As a friend of mine pointed me in short : 
'' ...they confirm the date of 8000 BP for the shift of the Sutlej. ''

Counter-intuitive influence of Himalayan river morphodynamics on Indus Civilisation urban settlements
Ajit Singh, Kristina J. Thomsen, Rajiv Sinha, Jan-Pieter Buylaert, Andrew Carter, Darren F. Mark, Philippa J. Mason, Alexander L. Densmore, Andrew S. Murray, Mayank Jain, Debajyoti Paul & Sanjeev Gupta
Urbanism in the Bronze-age Indus Civilisation (~4.6–3.9 thousand years before the present, ka) has been linked to water resources provided by large Himalayan river systems, although the largest concentrations of urban-scale Indus settlements are located far from extant Himalayan rivers. Here we analyse the sedimentary architecture, chronology and provenance of a major palaeochannel associated with many of these settlements. We show that the palaeochannel is a former course of the Sutlej River, the third largest of the present-day Himalayan rivers. Using optically stimulated luminescence dating of sand grains, we demonstrate that flow of the Sutlej in this course terminated considerably earlier than Indus occupation, with diversion to its present course complete shortly after ~8 ka. Indus urban settlements thus developed along an abandoned river valley rather than an active Himalayan river. Confinement of the Sutlej to its present incised course after ~8 ka likely reduced its propensity to re-route frequently thus enabling long-term stability for Indus settlements sited along the relict palaeochannel.

From the paper : 

This finding resolves a question that has been debated for well over a hundred years. Our analysis shows that the Ghaggar–Hakra palaeochannel is a former course of the Himalayan Sutlej River that formed and occupied an incised valley from at least ~23 ka (Fig. 10a). Initial abandonment of this incised valley by the Sutlej River commenced after ~15 ka, with complete avulsion to its present course shortly after ~8 ka. This involved a lateral shift of the Sutlej River by up to 150 km, with the avulsion node located close to the Sutlej exit at the Himalayan front (Fig. 10). While we cannot identify the root cause of this avulsion, its timing after ~8 ka corresponds with the onset of a long phase of decline in the strength of the Indian Summer Monsoon (ISM)77, 78 that may indicate a possible climatic control on river reorganisation. However, it is important to point out that avulsion is an autogenic mechanism and need not mark a response to an external event.
Our study sheds new light on the role of river dynamics on early urbanisation. We find that the locus for the abundant Indus Civilisation urban settlements along the Ghaggar–Hakra palaeochannel was the relict, underfilled topography of a recently abandoned valley of the Himalayan Sutlej River rather than an active Himalayan river. We suggest that this abandoned incised valley was an ideal site for urban development because of its relative stability compared to Himalayan river channel belts that regularly experience devastating floods and lateral channel migration.
and : 
 A significant unresolved issue is that not all urban settlements in the region are necessarily co-located with the Ghaggar–Hakra palaeochannel84. The largest Indus site in the region, Rakhigarhi, widely considered to be of the scale of an Indus city14, 16, 85, is situated at least 50 km from the Ghaggar–Hakra palaeochannel. Although its location has been linked to another abandoned river system, the Drishadvati85, in situ data are necessary to determine the existence and timing of such river activity before drawing inferences on how such sites were sustained.

In conclusion, our results firmly rule out the existence of a Himalayan-fed river that nourished Indus Civilisation settlements along the Ghaggar–Hakra palaeochannel. Instead, the relict Sutlej valley acted to focus monsoon-fed seasonal river flow as evidenced by very fine-grained sediments in the upper part of the valley-fill record. This and the potential to pond flood waters in the topographic depression38 formed by the valley likely offered favourable conditions that led Indus populations to preferentially settle along the incised palaeovalley. We find that river dynamics controlled the distribution of Indus sites in the region, but in the opposite sense to that usually assumed: it was the departure of the river, rather than its arrival, that triggered the growth of Indus urban settlements here. We posit that a stable abandoned valley, still able to serve as a water source but without the risk of devastating floods, is a viable alternative model for how rivers can nucleate the development of ancient urban settlements. 
Yog .

See also : 

The Chronology of Puranic Kings and Rigvedic Rishis in Comparison with the Phases of the Sindhu–Sarasvati Civilization

Wednesday 22 November 2017

Indus potters in central Oman in the second half of the third millennium BC. First results of a technological and archaeometric study

The nature of cultural interactions between the Indus Civilization and Magan is explored in this paper. The presence of Indus potters in eastern Arabia can now be demonstrated based on a combined technological and petrographical study of a range of pottery types found at the site of Salūt ST1 (Sultanate of Oman). Similar discoveries from other Umm an-Nar sites in the Sultanate of Oman and the UAE supports the hypothesis that Indus communities were living alongside the Magan people at Umm an-Nar sites more extensively than previously thought.
Keywords:eastern Arabia, Salūt, Hīlī, technology, pottery, potters 


See also :  The Sindhu Civilization Effect: Oman and Bahrain

Wednesday 18 October 2017

Mohenjo-Daro's Small Public Structures: Heterarchy, Collective Action and a Re-visitation of Old Interpretations with GIS and 3D Modelling

Adam S. Green (a1)

McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research, University of Cambridge, Downing Street, Cambridge CB2 3ER, UK Email: Published online: 09 October 2017

Together, the concepts of heterarchy and collective action offer potential explanations for how early state societies may have established high degrees of civic coordination and sophisticated craft industries in the absence of exclusionary political strategies or dominant centralized political hierarchies. The Indus civilization (c. 2600–1900 bc ) appears to have been heterarchical, which raises critical questions about how its infrastructure facilitated collective action. Digital re-visitation of early excavation reports provides a powerful means of re-examining the nuances of the resulting datasets and the old interpretations offered to explain them. In an early report on excavations at Mohenjo-daro, the Indus civilization's largest city, Ernest Mackay described a pair of small non-residential structures at a major street intersection as a ‘hostel’ and ‘office’ for the ‘city fathers’. In this article, Mackay's interpretation that these structures had a public orientation is tested using a geographical information systems approach (GIS) and 3D models derived from plans and descriptions in his report. In addition to supporting aspects of Mackay's interpretation, the resulting analysis indicates that Mohenjo-daro's architecture changed through time, increasingly favouring smaller houses and public structures. Close examination of these small public structures also suggests that they may at times have been part of a single complex.

Friday 29 September 2017

Manufacturing and trade of Asian elephant ivory in Bronze Age Middle Asia. Evidence from Gonur Depe (Margiana, Turkmenistan)

Dennys Frenez
Department of History and Cultures, University of Bologna, Via San Vitale 28/30, 48121 Ravenna, Italy

This paper presents the detailed stylistic and functional analysis of a large collection of artifacts made from Asian elephant ivory discovered at the Oxus Civilization site of Gonur Depe in southern Turkmenistan. Artifacts in ivory of Asian elephant from Bronze Age sites in Middle Asia have usually been considered as evidence for the import of finished items from the greater Indus Valley. The detailed study of the Gonur Depe ivories has instead proven that there are significant morphological and stylistic differences between these artifacts and those found at contemporaneous sites in the Indus Valley. This evidence raises important questions about the provenance of the raw material and about the origin and training of the craftsmen who manufactured the objects. Detailed research in textual sources about traditional arts and crafts in South Asia and in classical and medieval commentaries about ivory carving, integrated with ethnographic data about skilled crafting in traditional societies,has led to propose new hypotheses about the complex socioeconomic and cultural organization of manufacturing and trade of Asian elephant ivory during the Bronze Age.

Keywords: Ivory Asian elephant Bronze Age Oxus Civilization Indus Valley


Thursday 3 August 2017

Large-Scale, Multi-Temporal Remote Sensing of Palaeo-River Networks: A Case Study from Northwest India and its Implications for the Indus Civilisation

Hector A. Orengo 1, and Cameron A. Petrie 2
1 McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research, University of Cambridge, Downing Street, Cambridge CB2 3ER, UK
2 Department of Archaeology and Anthropology, University of Cambridge, Downing Street, Cambridge CB2 3DZ, UK
* Correspondence:
Academic Editors: Nicola Masini and Prasad S. Thenkabail
Received: 6 June 2017 / Accepted: 12 July 2017 / Published: 16 July 2017

 Figure 6. Results of the interpretation of both SMTVI and seasonal multi-temporal spectral decomposition techniques for the reconstruction of the palaeo-hydrological network of the Sutlej-Yamuna interfluve.

 Abstract: Remote sensing has considerable potential to contribute to the identification and reconstruction of lost hydrological systems and networks. Remote sensing-based reconstructions of palaeo-river networks have commonly employed single or limited time-span imagery, which limits their capacity to identify features in complex and varied landscape contexts. This paper presents a seasonal multi-temporal approach to the detection of palaeo-rivers over large areas based on long-term vegetation dynamics and spectral decomposition techniques. Twenty-eight years of Landsat 5 data, a total of 1711 multi-spectral images, have been bulk processed using Google Earth Engine© Code Editor and cloud computing infrastructure. The use of multi-temporal data has allowed us to overcome seasonal cultivation patterns and long-term visibility issues related to recent crop selection, extensive irrigation and land-use patterns. The application of this approach on the Sutlej-Yamuna interfluve (northwest India), a core area for the Bronze Age Indus Civilisation, has enabled the reconstruction of an unsuspectedly complex palaeo-river network comprising more than 8000 km of palaeo-channels. It has also enabled the definition of the morphology of these relict courses, which provides insights into the environmental conditions in which they operated. These new data will contribute to a better understanding of the settlement distribution and environmental settings in which this, often considered riverine, civilisation operated.
Keywords: multi-temporal; seasonal; vegetation; palaeo-river; Indus Civilisation; archaeology

From the paper :

Several relevant results for the reconstruction of the hydrologic history of the northern sector of the study area have been obtained through the use of seasonal vegetation mapping: (1) the confirmation of a major palaeo-course of the later Sutlej river, which contributed to the Ghaggar-Hakra system, though when and for how long remains unknown (top right corner of the lower image in Figure 3); (2) the migration of this same major watercourse from the Ghaggar-Hakra catchment to that of the Sutlej, which would have significantly reduced the amount of water available in the Ghaggar-Hakra’s lower course; and, perhaps most significantly, (3) the multiplication of the palaeo-rivers known in the area, which indicates that as a whole, the region has an extremely complex fluvial history, which will have had important and as yet poorly resolved consequences for water availability and thus also for past human habitation and land-use. SMTVI also allowed study of the morphology of the palaeo-rivers and documentation of multiple avulsion episodes, with consequences for the human habitation and use of the area through which these flowed.

and :
 Our results prove that the factors influencing water availability along the Ghaggar-Hakra basin are much more complex than previously thought. The traces of palaeo-rivers that have been identified cover the entirety of the landscape in the northern sector forming an almost continuous parallel pattern, which points to the changing nature of these channels and the likelihood that floods and river avulsions have been a relative common occurrence. The waters feeding the various palaeo-rivers originated from glacier-fed sources, such as water supplying the various palaeo-rivers related to the Sutlej, which appear to include the main Ghaggar-Hakra channel, as well as monsoonal rain which is likely to have contributed to both perennial and ephemeral rivers (see [10,27,65]). The geographic source of watercourses ranges from the Himalayas to the Aravalli mountains, and seasonal rain patterns and discharge across this zone are very different. All these factors join to create an extremely complex picture in which water availability and location is dependent upon a multiplicity of factors and difficult to predict in the long term.

See also :
Finding the Lost Rivers of the Indus Civilisation from Space
Tracing the Vedic Saraswati River in the Great Rann of Kachchh
Counter-intuitive influence of Himalayan river morphodynamics on Indus Civilisation urban settlements
The Chronology of Puranic Kings and Rigvedic Rishis in Comparison with the Phases of the Sindhu–Sarasvati Civilization

Saturday 29 July 2017

Aryan Migration – From Academics to Politics: An Unfortunate Journey

Krishnendu Das
(Research Scholar, Department of Archaeology, University of Calcutta) 

In his 1947 article “Harappa 1946 : The Defences and Cemetery R -37” British archaeologist Robert Eric Mortimer Wheeler declared that “ The Aryan invasion of the Land of Seven Rivers, the Punjab and its environs, constantly assumes the form of an onslaught upon the walled cities of the aborigines
….On circumstantial evidence, Indra stands accused''. 1 And it was for the first time a linguistic theory found its backbone in archaeology. The theory of a common ancestor of the north Indian languages and the languages spoken in Europe was taking its shape when in the 18 th century Sir William Jones discovered striking similarities between Sanskrit and the European languages. This simple observation gave birth to a theory that some Aryan speaking people invaded the Indian subcontinent around 1500 BC and demolished the Harappan  people and its civilization. But archaeological evidence was still wanting until Sir Robert issued his aforementioned fatwa.
He found a scatter of some 37 unburied skeletons from Mohenjodaro which led him to speculate a slaughter by the Aryan god Indra. In no time, the theory found wide acceptance in the scholarly world. But the situation took a new turn when archaeologist G.F. Dales of the University of Pennsylvania published his ground-breaking findings titled The Mythical  Massacre at Mohenjo-daro in Expedition magazine in 1964
Dales, who would later become one of the co-directors of Harappa Archaeological Research Project, showed that these skeletons belong to different stratigraphical levels and were not recovered from the uppermost level of the site. This evidence goes against the Aryan invasion theory because if there were any kind of massacre by some intruders they should have belonged to the uppermost level or the final phase of Mohenjodaro, which was definitely not the case. Moreover some of the skeletons  bore cut-marks which had been healed and it amply proved that the injuries had got nothing to do with their death. And except Mohenjodaro, no such evidence was found from any other site of the Harappan civilization which would establish Sir Robert’s arguments

When the Aryan invasion theory lost its validity, the Aryan migration theory gradually started taking its place. A group of scholars still assume that after the decline of the great Harappan civilization, a group of Indo-Aryan speaking people migrated from central Asia and entered the Indian subcontinent in several waves.2 3 4 The theory says that these Indo-Aryan people pushed Dravidian speaking Harappans towards south India. And the entire north, west and eastern spans of the Indian peninsula were gradually Aryanised within a few centuries. This age-old theory was also based solely on the linguistic assumptions and not properly evidenced by the archaeological parameters. Just like the Aryan invasion theory, the Aryan migration theory also faced stiff challenges since its inception by scholars from as diverse fields as archaeology, anthropology, geology, genetics, linguistics and so on. Recent studies in the above mentioned fields have decidedly showed the utter inharmonious nature of this theory. But the biased minds seem not to care about that. To make things worse, the battle between the invasionist/migrationist and the non-invasionist/migrationist scholars gradually took a shape and form of a  political duel. While Marxist scholars started vouching for the migration theory, the scholars belonging to the nationalist school are upholding an altogether antithetical theory. And a sheer academic debate lost its identity and dignity in the noose of different political agendas. We know that only archaeological evidence can securely unfurl the petals of the remote pasts. Because archaeology gives out the ground reality of the ancient ages from the core of the ground. That is why our history should be written according to the archaeological findings. But in the case of the Aryan migration theory, the whole process that followed was just set upside down. After the proposition of the theory, some illustrious scholars attempted to fit the new archaeological findings in consonants to the Aryan migration theory. To be true, there is nothing in Indian archaeology around 1500BC time period that displays the evidence of any kind of mass migration or several waves of population movement towards South Asia from outside. It was the time when the Harappan civilization was tilting towards its de-urbanised phase. The population movement, which is archaeologically attested during this time period, was from the north-west Indian Harappan territory to the inner India. If the Harappans were Dravidian-speaking people and they were pushed to the modern day south Indian region by the intruding Aryans, one should expect some late Harappan sites in the said region. But the archaeological reality says otherwise as there is no Harappan site beyond Daimabad, which is a late Harappan site of Maharashtra. And this archaeo-reality flings the migrationist scholars to a point of absolute uncertainty.

However, the argument is not enough to combat the enthusiasm of the migrationists. They stick to some old arguments and perhaps intentionally try to give the whole issue a political overtone.
I used the word “intentionally”, because the recent archaeological findings point towards a continuous development and transformation of the Indian civilization and not any kind of invasion/migration. But there is a more specific reason for using this term that warrants some elaboration. It is widely accepted in the scholarly world that the use of the horse was not known to the Harappans and that the horse was introduced in the Indian subcontinent by the invading/migrating Aryan folks. In their 2000 book The  Deciphered Indus Script , Natawar Jha and N. S. Rajaram claimed that they had discovered a lone broken seal with the depiction of a horse from the plethora of the Harappan seals and sealings. But after a close scrutiny it is translucently clear that it was the computer of the claimants which pieced a horse head together with a hind part of a Harappan seal animal. This incident offered a golden opportunity to the migrationist scholars to portray every horse evidence from the Harappan sites as a mere assiduous nationalist or Hindutva endeavour. But in reality, true horse bones were recovered from several Harappan sites belonging to the mature Harappan levels which were securely dated between 2700 BC to the 2000 BC and which had nothing to do with the so called migrations of some fictitious Aryan tribes. Every evidence of horse that was unearthed from a Harappan site dated  before 2000 BC was doubted and the competency of the scholars who identified them were also questioned. A significant incident can be cited in this connection. In a 1974 article 5, A.K. Sharma, an expert in faunal studies, identified the remains of true domesticated horse from the mature Harappan level of Surkotada, a  prominent Harappan site of Gujarat. But Sharma’s claim lacked widespread acceptance as migrationist scholars stamped the specimens as onager or wild ass. After some 20 years, a renowned archaeologist and horse specialist of Hungarian origin, Sandor Bökönyi, came to India and confirmed Sharma’s identification after examining the said specimens.6 The aggrieved Sharma then reacted: “This was the saddest day for me as the thought flashed in my mind that my findings had to wait two decades for recognition, until a man from another continent came, examined the material and declared that ‘Sharma was right’. When will we imbibe intellectual courage not to look across borders for approval? The historians are still worse, they feel it is an attempt on the part of the ‘rightists’ to  prove that the Aryans did not come to India from outside her boundaries.”7

 However, the unrelenting controversy does not end here. Richard Meadow of Harvard University and Ajita Patel were still in very much doubt about the identification, though they failed to convince the Hungarian master Bökönyi.8And for historians and archaeologists in our subcontinent, crying a political conspiracy is perhaps the easiest thing to do when the fault lines of one’s theory get exposed. Even Amartya Sen argued in The Argumentative Indian  citing the example of the attempt of Jha and Rajaram that if a textbook of history displayed the evidence of horse in the Harappan civilization, then it was nothing but a  process of saffronisation. However, one may perhaps expect a scholar of Sen’s stature to be more focused in academic discussions, rather than taking political sides. In reality, scholars having different political inclinations try to interpret a fact in a way that suits their respective political agendas. That’s why migrationist scholars refuse to understand a simple archaeological fact that horse evidences were also very meagre up to the early historical times as in the Harappan civilization sites. And if the remains of the horse had anything to do with the so called Aryan migration, it should have increased immediately after the said incident which is not the case. The other arguments about the Aryan migration were also treated somewhat in an identical manner. Here what is really regrettable is that a purely academic debate was pulled down to a dirty game of politics. We should be more open-minded to accept the archaeological evidences, in whatever form they  present themselves before us. Even today, we don’t know for sure the true nature of the language that was used by the Harappans. It may be the so called Indo-Aryan or Dravidian or an altogether different one, but we have to find the solution in a purely unbiased academic way and not with any kind of preconceived notion. The need of the hour is to safeguard academics from the vicious political interest which tends to take unfair advantage of it and attempt to provoke people in one way or the other. Recent archaeological and anthropological studies point towards a conclusion that there was no incident of any kind of mass migration or a continuous wave of migrations into the Indian subcontinent during the time  period of 2000 to 1500 BC. But we should remember that this theory does not establish the claim of a group of people to be more Indian because of their indigenousness. The criteria of being Indian have been clearly laid down in its constitution. Anyone fulfilling those criteria are Indian and enjoy the rights  provided by it. Our history has no doubt shaped our present, but our present should not be coloured by what happened in the remote past. That is a pure academic concern. Let academics speak for itself.


Thursday 20 July 2017

Tracing the Vedic Saraswati River in the Great Rann of Kachchh

Nitesh Khonde, Sunil Kumar Singh, D. M. Maurya, Vinai K. Rai, L. S. Chamyal & Liviu Giosan

 (a) Regional drainage pattern for the western continental margin of the Indian plate. Dotted lines are the paleochannels of the Vedic Saraswati River after Ghose et al.11 and Kar and Ghose48. The box represents the area shown in b. Location of the Dhordo core site and river sediment samples analyzed are also shown. (b) Geomorphic setting of the Great Rann of Kachchh (GRK) basin with surrounding hinterland and core locations. NPF- Nagar Parkar Fault, IBF- Island Belt Fault, KMF- Kachchh mainland Fault, KHF- Katrol hill Fault, NKF- North Kathiawar Fault, SWF- South Wagad Fault, P- Pachham Island, K-Khadir Island, B- Bela Island and C- Chorar Island. Core location: DH- Dhordo core raised from central GRK basin. Maps were prepared using a licensed copy of Ocean Data49 View (

The lost Saraswati River mentioned in the ancient Indian tradition is postulated to have flown independently of the Indus River into the Arabian Sea, perhaps along courses of now defunct rivers such as Ghaggar, Hakra and Nara. The persistence of such a river during the Harappan Bronze Age and the Iron Age Vedic period is strongly debated. We drilled in the Great Rann of Kachchh (Kutch), an infilled gulf of the Arabian Sea, which must have received input from the Saraswati, if active. Nd and Sr isotopic measurements suggest that a distinct source may have been present before 10 ka. Later in Holocene, under a drying climate, sediments from the Thar Desert probably choked the signature of an independent Saraswati-like river. Alternatively, without excluding a Saraswati-like secondary source, the Indus and the Thar were the dominant sources throughout the post-glacial history of the GRK. Indus-derived sediment accelerated the infilling of GRK after ~6 ka when the Indus delta started to grow. Until its complete infilling few centuries ago, freshwater input from the Indus, and perhaps from the Ghaggar-Hakra-Nara, probably sustained a productive marine environment as well as navigability toward old coastal Harappan and historic towns in the region.

Yog  .

See also :
The Chronology of Puranic Kings and Rigvedic Rishis in Comparison with the Phases of the Sindhu–Sarasvati Civilization
Michel Danino on Sarasvati  

Wednesday 12 July 2017

Too early to settle the Aryan migration debate?


K. Thangaraj

With genetic data currently available, it is difficult to deduce the direction of migration either into India or out of India during the Bronze Age 

On June 17, The Hindu published an article by Tony Joseph (“How genetics is settling the Aryan migration debate”) on current genetic research in India and stated that “scientists are converging” on the Aryan migration to the Subcontinent around 2000-1500 BC. This conclusion was mainly based on the results obtained from the paternally inherited markers (Y chromosome), published on March 23, 2017 in a scientific journal, BMC Evolutionary Biology, by a team of 16 co-authors including Martin P. Richards of the University of Huddersfield, which compiled and analysed Y chromosome data mainly from the targeted South Asian populations living in the U.K. and U.S. However, anyone who understands the complexity of Indian population will appreciate that Indians living outside the Subcontinent do not reflect the full diversity of India, as the majority of them are from caste populations with limited subset of regions.


A recent paper by Dhriti Sengupta and colleagues (‘Genome Biology and Evolution 2016’; 8:3460-3470), showed that the South Asian populations included in the “1000 Genomes Project” under-represent the genomic diversity of the Subcontinent. Tribes are one of the founding populations of India, any conclusion drawn without studying them will fail to capture the complete genetic information of the Subcontinent.

Marina Silva/Richards et al. argued that the maternal ancestry (mtDNA) of the Subcontinent is largely indigenous, whereas 17.5% of the paternal ancestry (Y chromosome) is associated with the haplogroup R1a, an indication of the arrival of Bronze Age Indo-European speakers. However, India is a nation of close to 4,700 ethnic populations, including socially stratified communities, many of which have maintained endogamy (marrying within the community) for thousands of years, and these have been hardly sampled in the Y chromosome analysis led by Silva et al., and so do not provide an accurate characterisation of the R1a frequencies in India (several tribal populations carry substantial frequency of haplogroup R1a).

Equally important to understand is that the Y chromosome phylogeny suffered genetic drift (lineage loss), and thus there is a greater chance to lose less frequent R1a branches, if one concentrates only on specific populations, keeping in mind the high level of endogamy of the Subcontinent. These are extremely important factors one should consider before making any strong conclusions related to Indian populations. The statement made by Silva et al. that 17.5% of Indians carry R1a haplogroup actually means that 17.5% of the samples analysed by them (those who live in U.K. and U.S.) carry R1a, not that 17.5% of Indians carry R1a!

Genetic affinities

Indian genetic affinity with Europeans is not new information. In a study published in Nature (2009; 461:489-494), scientists from CSIR-Centre for Cellular and Molecular Biology (CCMB), Hyderabad, and Harvard Medical School (HMS), U.S., using more than 5,00,000 autosomal genetic markers, showed that the Ancestral North Indians (ANI) share genetic affinities with Europeans, Caucasians and West Asians. However, there is a huge difference between this study and the study published by Silva et al., as the study by CSIR-CCMB and HMS included samples representing all the social and linguistic groups of India. It was evident from the same Nature paper that when the Gujarati Indians in Houston (GIH) were analysed for genetic affinities with different ethnic populations of India, it was found that the GIH have formed two clusters in Principal Component Analysis (PCA), one with Indian populations, another an independent cluster. Similarly, a recent study (‘Neurology Genetics’, 2017; 3:3, e149) by Robert D.S. Pitceathly and colleagues from University College of London and CSIR-CCMB has analysed 74 patients with neuromuscular diseases (of mitochondrial origin) living in the U.K. and found a mutation in RNASEH1 gene in three families of Indian origin. However, this mutation was absent in Indian patients with neuromuscular diseases (of mitochondrial origin). This mutation was earlier reported in Europeans, suggesting that these three families might have mixed with the local Europeans; highlighting the importance of the source of samples. Another study published in The American Journal of Human Genetics (2011; 89:731-744) by Mait Metspalu and colleagues, where CSIR-CCMB was also involved, analysed 142 samples from 30 ethnic groups and mentioned that “Modeling of the observed haplotype diversities suggests that both Indian ancestry components (ANI and ASI) are older than the purported Indo-Aryan invasion 3,500 YBP (years before present). As well as, consistent with the results of pairwise genetic distances among world regions, Indians share more ancestry signals with West than with East Eurasians”.

We agree that the major Indian R1a1 branch, i.e. L657, is not more than 5,000 years old. However, the phylogenetic structure of this branch cannot be considered as a derivative of either Europeans or Central Asians. The split with the European is around 6,000 years and thereafter the Asian branch (Z93) gave rise to the South Asian L657, which is a brother branch of lineages present in West Asia, Europe and Central Asia. Such kind of expansion, universally associated with most of the Y chromosome lineages of the world, as shown in 2015 by Monika Karmin et al., was most likely due to dramatic decline in genetic diversity in male lineages four to eight thousand years ago (Genome Research, 2015; 4:459-66). Moreover, there is evidence which is consistent with the early presence of several R1a branches in India (our unpublished data).

The Aryan invasion/migration has been an intense topic of discussion for long periods. However, one has to understand the complexity of the Indian populations and to select samples carefully for analysis. Otherwise, the findings could be biased and confusing.

With the information currently available, it is difficult to deduce the direction of haplogroup R1a migration either into India or out of India, although the genetic data certainly show that there was migration between the regions. Currently, CSIR-CCMB and Harvard Medical School are investigating a larger number of samples, which will hopefully throw more light on this debate.

Tony Joseph responds:

There is a technical point in suggesting that the South Asian populations included in the “1000 Genomes Project” under-represent the complete genomic diversity of the Subcontinent and, therefore, the 17.5 % R1a frequency the ‘BMC Evolutionary Biology’ study arrived at may not be precise.
That a sample under-represents the complete genomic diversity of India could be said of virtually any study whatsoever, including the studies that the authors of the rejoinder have done. The point about the Marina Silva/Martin P. Richards et al. study is that its conclusions about the chronology of multiple migrations into South Asia are not dependent upon the precise percentage of R1a population — they remain robust whether the R1a percentage is 12.5 % or 17.5% or 22.5 %. The precision of the percentage or the impugned under-representation would have been an issue if the study were to make detailed conclusions about, say, how the Bronze Age migrations spread across different regions in India. Since it is not doing that, under-representation ceases to be a material issue.
In an email to me on May 29, weeks before my article was published, this is what Prof. Richards said about the sample: “It’s true that some of the 1000 Genomes Project (1KGP) sequences that we analysed for genome-wide and Y-chromosome data were sampled from Indians in the U.K. and U.S., and lack tribal groups, which might well be an issue for a detailed regional study of the subcontinent (our mtDNA database was much larger). But we are simply looking at the big picture across the region (what was the role of Palaeolithic, Neolithic and Bronze Age settlement, primarily) and the signals we describe across the five 1KGP sample sets are clear and consistent and also fit well with the lower-resolution data that has been collected in the past (e.g. for R1a distributions). By putting everything together, we feel the sketch of the big picture that we propose is very well supported, even though there will certainly be a huge amount of further analysis needed to work through the regional details.”
The second argument that the rejoinder makes, as summed up in its last paragraph, is that ‘Out of India’ is a possible explanation for the genetic spread that we observe. This is helpful insofar as it accepts that the genetic spread that we observe does need an explanation. But the problem with proposing ‘Out of India’ as that explanation is the following: it is not as if the ‘Out of India’ hypothesis is new; it has been around for decades. But the rejoinder makes no reference to a single peer-reviewed genetic study that makes a serious case for ‘Out of India’.
If the hypothesis were tenable at all, shouldn’t there have been many peer-reviewed papers by now making the case and fleshing out the details?

 K. Thangaraj is with the CSIR-Centre for Cellular and Molecular Biology, Hyderabad, and G. Chaubey is with the Estonian Biocentre in Tartu, Estonia

Tony Joseph is a writer and former editor of ‘BusinessWorld’. Twitter: @tjoseph0010


See also :
Genetics and the Aryan invasion debate 

Monday 26 June 2017

Ancient City of Kasi: Archaeological Evidence

Great finds from Kashi and Sarnath  . 


 А.А. Семененко
 Gymnasium No 2, Voronezh, Russia
Abstract: The article deals with all descriptions of cereals as  food in Rigveda. The author demonstrates that references to cereals as food already in the most archaic cycles of the Samhita point to  sedentary and agricultural (grain growing) economy of Rigvedic  society from the very beginning of its development.  Key words: Rigveda, Indo-Aryans, cereals, food. 

We get the earliest textual evidence of Indo-Aryans (further IA) from the Rigveda Samhita (further RV) [1] composed at least several   hundred years before 2600 BC [2]. RV includes four chronological layers: 1. Family Books II– VII, the most archaic core of the collection + the IXth Mandala (or cycle)— which is most probably a result of the extraction of all the Soma hymns from the Family Books; 2. the VIIIth Mandala or Book of song-like hymns added to the emerging Samhita (cycles II– VII + IX); 3. the Ist Mandala or Introduction and 4. the most modern Xth part or the Conclusion [3]. It is crucial for the establishing of the economy type of the RV-edic IA (whether  predominantly nomadic cattle-breeding or sedentary and complex cattle-breeding and agricultural) to know the source of nutrition of the authors of the Samhita in each of the four periods of RV creating.

Already during the process of composing hymns of the most ancient Family Mandalas of RV grain was used to feed drawing animals (úpo nayasva vŕ  ̥ṣaṇā | grásetām áśvā ví mucehá śóṇā divé-dive sadŕ  ̥śīr addhi dhānā ́ḥ (III.35.3), kr  ̥tā ́ dhānā ́ áttave te háribhyām (III.35.7)). It was also consumed by people as food (dhānā ́vad juṣāṇáḥ (III.43.4), yéna tokā ́ya tánayāya dhāníyam bī  ́ jaṃ váhadhve (V.53.13), sánti dhānā ́ḥ (VI.29.4)). It could be fried (bhr  ̥ jjā ́ti dhānā ́ḥ) (IV.24.7),boiled as gruel (karambhíṇam) or baked as (a small loaf of) bread(apūpávantam) or as a cake (puroḷā ́śam) (dhānā ́vantaṃ karambhíṇam apūpávantam juṣasva (III.52.1), dhānā ́ḥ puroḷā ́śam kr  ̥ṣvehá cā ́rum (III.52.5), dhānā ́ḥ puroḷā ́śam ā ́hutam māmahasva naḥ (III.52.6), te cakr  ̥mā karambháṃ dhānā ́ḥ apūpám addhi (III.52.7), práti dhānā ́  bharata tū ́yam asmai puroḷā ́śaṃ (III.52.8)).

To some extent more modern Mandala the VIIIth contains pleas to grant grain (tuváṃ na indra āsãṃ háste dāváne dhānā ́nãṃ ná sáṃ gr  ̥ bhāya asmayúr) (VIII.70.12) and mentions corn, gruel and (a small loaf of) bread as food (dhānā ́vantaṃ karambhíṇam apūpávantam) (VIII.91.2).

Much later Mandala the Ist makes it clear that fried grain was served with melted butter (imā ́ dhānā ́ ghr  ̥tasnúvo) (I.16.2). The most modern Mandala the Xth tells us about eating corn (jakṣīyā d dhānā ́) (X.28.1) and describes the sowing of seeds and growing of grain (vápanto bī  jam iva dhāniyākŕ  ̥taḥ) (X.94.13).

References to gruel (karambhá) can be found in all chronological layers of the RV (I.187.10; III.52.1, 7; VI.56.1; VI.57.2; VIII.91.2), as well as the to the melted butter-soaked (apūpáṃ ghr  ̥távantam) (X.45.9) (loaf of) bread (apūpá) (III.52.1, 7; VIII.91.2), baked (puroḷā ́ pacatás (III.28.2), puroḷā ́śam pacatíyaṃ (III.52.2)) cake (puroḷā ́(śa))(I.162.3; III.28.1, 3, 4, 5, 6; III.41.3; III.52.3, 4, 5, 6, 8; IV.24.5; IV.32.16; VI.23.7; VII.18.6; VIII.2.11; VIII.31.2; VIII.78.1) and  barley mixed with milk and Soma (soma gávāśiro yávāśiro (I.187.9), yávāśiraṃ sómam (II.22.1), gávāśiraṃ yávāśiraṃ sutám (III.42.7), índor yávāśiraḥ (VIII.92.4)).

Notably grain as food and food made of grain appear mostly in the Family cycles of RV, much less so — in the later Mandala the VIIIth and they almost disappear in the latest (I and X) parts of the Samhita. This textual fact totally disproves the widely spread (Aryan Invasion/Immigration Theory rooted) pseudoacademic concept of RV-edic IA being nomads in the earliest period of RV composition. All  points to the conclusion that grain growing was crucial to RV-edic economy from the most archaic phase of its recorded existence.

Yog (Page 254).

See also :

Tuesday 23 May 2017

Biomolecular Prehistory of South Asia Project

Biomolecular Prehistory of South Asia Project

This project applies a novel, multi-proxy approach, incorporating stable isotope analysis, dental calculus, proteomics and aDNA, to elucidate changes in diet, demography, and ecology across major cultural transitions in South Asia.
There is also the upcoming presentation on some aDNA data : 
Title: E-P18.02 - Reconstructing the human population history of the Indian subcontinent using ancient population genomics.
Keywords: Ancient DNA; population Genetics
Authors: N. Rai1, K. Thangaraj1, V. Shinde2; 
1Centre for Cellular and Molecular Biology, Hyderabad, India, 2 Deccan College Post-Graduate and Research Institute, Pune, India.
Abstract: The more than 1.3 billion people who live in Indian subcontinent correspond to several large ethnic groups who are highly diverse and complex. Importantly, India’s genetic past remains a subject a great debate due to numerous hypotheses surrounding population origins and migrations within and from outside India. In order to reconstruct and explain the patterns of genetic diversity evident in modern humans, an understanding of both past and present population dynamics is crucial. Several studies have shown that genetic data from ancient individuals are indispensable when reconstructing past population histories. We for the first time use the ancient genomics approach in South Asia to reconstruct the complex human population history of Indian Sub continent. We are exploring the recent technological advancement to directly test these hypotheses using ancient and modern human DNA in India. We have collected several ancient skeletal remains from different time scale of human civilization ranging from early Mesolithic, Neolithic, Harappan (Indus Valley civilization) and Megalithic culture. With the whole/partial genome NGS data, we are reconstructing the prehistoric peopling and migration of modern human in the Indian subcontinent. We are also testing the pervasive founder events and gradient of recessive genes accumulation by comparing the ancient genome with the modern human population of India.
Presentation Time: Sunday, May 28, 2017, 9:00 AM - 5:45 PM 

See here and also here
This is something that we are all waiting for a long time . We can be confident, that the data will be very important regarding the Aryan controversy . Although without the clear cut decipherment of the SSVC/IVC script , a decisive knowledge is still a bit far . 

Tuesday 18 April 2017

Vaishali bricks throw up posers on Harappa last leg

Krishnendu Das
The discovery of some Harappan-type bricks from Raghopur Diara of Vaishali district near Patna (report published in The Telegraph on April 8, 2017), is of immense importance to the country from both archaeological and historiographical perspectives. The findings may not only answer many hitherto unsolved questions that shroud the last phase of the great Harappan civilisation, but may force us write our early-period history afresh as well.

The director of Bihar's state archaeological directorate, Atul Verma, visited the place some six months ago and collected two bricks. He examined the bricks himself and also showed it to the former joint director-general of the Archaeological Survey of India, K.N. Dikshit. Dikshit confirmed the Harappan identity of the bricks after checking their thickness, width and length ratio which is 1:2:4, a typical "mature Harappan" trait.

Scholars have divided the entire Harappa era broadly into three phases - early, mature and late. The early phase spans from 3500 BC to 2800/2700 BC (from the beginning of village farming to the beginning of urbanisation). Mature phase was from 2700 BC to 2000/1900 BC (from the beginning of urbanisation to the starting of the devolution of the urbanism). The late phase spanned between 2000/1900 BC and 1400/1300 BC (post-urban Harappan).

In the mature phase, there was a standard ratio of the Harappan bricks as mentioned above. The kiln-fired bricks which were recovered from Raghopur Diara were exactly of the same size and nature as the mature Harappan bricks. This is startling as mature Harappan kiln-fired bricks were never found in east India so far. Till date, the easternmost Harappan site has been identified as Alamgirpur of the Ganga-Yamuna doab area of Uttar Pradesh. Other prominent Harappan sites which were situated in the vicinity of Alamgirpur are Hulas, Mandi, Sanauli and so on.

Alamgirpur and Hulas are late-Harappan sites though some mature Harappan materials - mud bricks, burnt brick (burnt bricks were not found in Hulas though unearthed in limited numbers from Alamgirpur), pottery pieces, stone and bone implements and some Harappan mud and mud brick structures have been excavated from there. The earliest dates, measured through the C14 method (a method to ascertain the date of an organic material using the radioactive isotope of carbon) of those sites go back to the middle of the 3rd millennium BC. Though some mature Harappan materials were found from these sites, any sign of mature Harappan urban prosperity has always eluded these areas.

Sanauli is a late-Harappan burial site. Some 125 graves have been discovered here. The site is very important because of the scarcity of the late-Harappan burial sites. Mandi is famous for its Harappan jewellery hoard. The hoard was found accidentally in the course of a ground levelling operation.

After the discovery, the villagers there began a hunt for more jewellery which continued for the next four to five days. The news reached the Uttar Pradesh archaeology department only after a few more days. Some 10 kilograms of jewellery were recovered from the site when the Uttar Pradesh state archaeology department and the Archaeological Survey of India sent teams to survey the village.

Archaeologists identified Mandi as a late-Harappan site. The treasury consists of two copper containers and a large number of beads made of gold, banded agate, onyx and copper. These types of materials were found earlier in sites such as Mohenjodaro, Harappa, Lothal, Kalibangan, Allahdino, Chanhudaro, Surokotada and Kunal, though not in hoards.

Scholars are yet to come to a conclusion as to how this jewellery hoard could be related to an otherwise "unimpressive" late-Harappan site as Mandi. However, what is strikingly significant here is that in none of the above mentioned eastern Harappan sites did archaeologists ever recover large numbers of Harappan kiln burnt brick as found at Raghopur Diara.

The late phase of the Harappan civilisation has long been a subject of scholarly debates and theories. What were the causes of the decline of the Harappan civilisation? Where did the Harappans go after the decline of the civilisation? Scholars such as Mortimer Wheeler and Gordon Childe believed that the invasion of the Aryans caused a civilisational downfall in Harappa. Primarily because Wheeler discovered some scattered human skeletons at Mohenjodaro. But this theory lost its validity after a close scrutiny of those 37 scattered skeletons of Mohenjodaro by archaeologist G.F. Dales of the University of California at Berkeley. Dales, one of the co-directors of the ground-breaking Harappa Archaeological Research Project, published his theory in the journal Expedition (May 1964 issue) describing the whole issue as a "mythical massacre".

Floods in the river Indus and several other natural calamities such as drought, earthquake and decline in the external trade of the Harappan civilisation are various other theories propagated by various scholars that dot scholarly materials regarding the decline of the Harappan civilization. In recent times, the most discussed theory on the decline of Harappa has been that of the drying up of the Ghaggar-Hakra rivers which are often identified with the Rig Vedic Sarasvati river.

Now, many archaeologists feel that we should look at the decline of Harappa from an altogether different angle. They believe that instead of the downfall of the civilisation, we could perhaps simply call it a process of gradual de-urbanisation of the Harappan civilisation. Whatever may be the cause behind this de-urbanisation, scholars have always remained sure that a group of Harappan people had migrated towards the east. The discovery of late-Harappan sites such as Alamgirpur, Hulas, Mandi, Sanauli and so on is nothing but examples of eastward migration of the civilisation.

But the unique case of finding of mature Harappan kiln-fired bricks at Raghopur Diara, about 1100 kilometres southeast of Alamgirpur, is sure to perplex archaeologists. The main question doing the rounds is that if the sites in Uttar Pradesh are known as late-Harappan sites, how can mature Harappan civilisation travel further eastward?

Therefore, scholars may now have to trace the entire course and span of Harappan civilisation anew if more associated Harappan materials are excavated from Raghopur Diara or its surroundings that authenticate the importance of the primary finding. The context of a finding is of utmost importance in archaeology. The findings have sent archaeologists across the country in a tizzy and many of them are already set to go to Raghopur Diara to survey the area in search of more clues.

If Raghopur Diara is established as a mature Harappan site, it will not only throw in the bin many theories on the civilisation and its decline but will also warrant a great deal of rewriting of the course of the civilisation, and therefore our history. But for now, we will have to wait for the results of the explorations which are going to be conducted by archaeologists.


Thursday 16 March 2017

Beyond Indus Ceramics: Exploring the British Museum Collections

Greetings! – this is Alessandro and I am one of the ceramics specialists for the ERC TwoRains project. For my PhD research, I am pursuing a holistic approach to the study of archaeological ceramic materials from Indus urban and post-urban sites being excavated by the project to trace social continuity and transformations within the production systems of rural communities.
Long story short: I spend a lot of time looking at fragments of pottery, thin-sections and ceramic powder samples. I am combining technological and compositional methods to study ceramic industries, including thin-section petrography, XRD, FTIR, WD-XRF and pXRF. Combining these methods with traditional morpho-stylistic analysis, I am investigating the production (chaîne opératoire) of artefacts to understand synchronic and diachronic cultural behaviour.

Yog .


Thursday 2 February 2017

Adaptation to Variable Environments, Resilience to Climate Change: Investigating Land, Water and Settlement in Indus Northwest India

 Cameron A. Petrie, Ravindra N. Singh, Jennifer Bates, Yama Dixit, Charly A. I. French, David A. Hodell, Penelope J. Jones, Carla Lancelotti, Frank Lynam, Sayantani Neogi, Arun K. Pandey, Danika Parikh, Vikas Pawar, David I. Redhouse, and Dheerendra P. Singh

Abstract :
This paper explores the nature and dynamics of adaptation and resilience in the face of a diverse and varied environmental and ecological context using the case study of South Asia’s Indus Civilization (ca. 3000–1300 BC). Most early complex societies developed in regions where the climatic parameters faced by ancient subsistence farmers were varied but rain falls primarily in one season. In contrast, the Indus Civilization developed in a specific environmental context that spanned a very distinct environmental threshold, where winter and summer rainfall systems overlap. There is now evidence to show that this region was directly subject to climate change during the period when the Indus Civilization was at its height (ca. 2500–1900 BC). The Indus Civilization, therefore, provides a unique opportunity to understand how an ancient society coped with diverse and varied ecologies and change in the fundamental environmental parameters. This paper integrates research carried out as part of the Land, Water and Settlement project in northwest India between 2007 and 2014. Although coming from only one of the regions occupied by Indus populations, these data necessitate the reconsideration of several prevailing views about the Indus Civilization as a whole and invigorate discussion about human-environment interactions and their relationship to processes of cultural transformation. 

Yog .

Tuesday 31 January 2017

Proto-Indo-European and Proto-Dravidian Cognates

On this auspicious occasion of  Vasant Panchami, when the worship of the goddess of knowledge and arts Saraswati also happens , I present to you a special post, focusing on a special relationship between two language families, Indo-European and Dravidian . In this post, I show you the common roots and cognates :

1. Proto-Indo-European *kan *k’en-/*k’on-/*k’n̥- ‘to beget, to produce, to create,
to bring forth ' Latin Genus , Sanskrit Janati , Lithuanian Gentis etc etc.

Dravidian : Tamil kanru ‘calf, colt, young of various animals, sapling,
young tree’; Malayalam kannu ‘young of cattle (esp. buffalo calf), young
plantain trees around the mother plant’; Kannaḍa kanda ‘young child’,
kandu ‘calf, young plantain trees around the mother plant’; Telugu kandu
‘infant’, kanduvu ‘child’, kanu ‘to bear or bring forth, to beget’, kanubadi
‘produce’, kāncu ‘to bear, to produce, to bring forth’, kānupu ‘bringing
forth a child’etc etc .These Dravidian forms are strikingly similar  to the Germanic forms ( see the links on root ).

2. Proto-Indo-European- *gau ' ‘bullock, ox, cow’'.

Dravidian: Telugu kōḍiya, kōḍe ‘young bull’; Kolami kōḍi ‘cow’, kōṛe
‘young bullock’; Pengo kōḍi ‘cow’; Manḍa kūḍi ‘cow’; Kui kōḍi ‘cow, ox’;
Kuwi kōdi, kōḍi ‘cow’ .Also Sumerian guú ‘ox, bull, cow’, gud ‘bull, bullock, cow’. This particular root is shared only between PIE,PD and Sumerian .

Like the first, the similarity with some Kentum branches is strong.

3. Proto-Indo-European *sew(H)-/*sow(H)-/*su(H)- ‘to give birth’: Sanskrit
sū́te, sūyate ‘to beget, to procreate, to bring forth, to bear, to produce, to
yield’, suta-ḥ ‘son, child’, sūtí-ḥ ‘birth, production’, sūnú-ḥ ‘son, child,
offspring’; Avestan hunu-š ‘son’; Greek υἱύς, υἱός ‘son’; Old Irish suth
‘offspring’; Gothic sunus ‘son’; Old Icelandic sunr, sonr ‘son’; Swedish
son ‘son’; Danish søn ‘son’ (with ø from the pl.); Old English sunu ‘son’;
Old Frisian sunu ‘son’; Old Saxon sunu ‘son’; Dutch zoon ‘son’; Old High
German sunu ‘son’ (New High German Sohn); Lithuanian sūnùs ‘son’ .
 Tocharian A se, B soy ‘son’. Rix 1998a:487 (?) *seu̯H- ‘to bear, to give
birth’; Pokorny 1959:913—914 *seu-, (*seu̯ǝ-), *sū̆- ‘to bear, to give
birth’; Walde 1927—1932.II:469—470 *seu-, *sū̆-; Mann 1984—
1987:1331 *su-, 1335 *sūnus ‘son’, 1339 *sut- ‘offspring’; Watkins
1985:58 *seuǝ- and 2000:76 *seuǝ-‘to give birth’ .

 Dravidian: Tamil cēy ‘son, child; juvenility, youth’; Malayalam cēvala
‘child at the breast’; Tuḷu jēvu ‘child, lad, youth’, jōvu ‘child, lad, youth,
baby, female child’, jōkulu ‘children’; Parji cēpal ‘boy, lad’; Gadba
(Ollari) sēpal ‘boy, lad’, (Salur) sāpal ‘boy’; (?) Kuṛux jō̃xas ‘lad, youth,

4. Proto-Indo-European *sen-/*sn̥- ‘old’: Sanskrit sána-ḥ ‘old, ancient’;
Avestan hanō ‘old’; Old Persian hanatā- ‘old age, lapse of time’; Latin
senex ‘old, aged’; Old Irish sen ‘old’; Welsh hên ‘old’, hyned ‘so old’, hŷn,
hynach ‘older’; Cornish hēn ‘old’; Breton hen ‘old’; Gothic sineigs ‘old’;
Lithuanian sẽnas ‘old’, sẽnis ‘old man’; Armenian hin ‘old’.

Dravidian : Gondi sēnāl ‘old man, senior’, sēnō ‘old woman’, (m.) senāl,
(f., nt.) seno ‘aged’, senāl ‘old man’, seno ‘old woman’; Kui senḍa ‘firstborn,
eldest’, senḍenju ‘founder of a race, early settler’.

5.  Proto-Indo-European *ghe/*gho  ‘to go, to leave, to depart; to abandon, to
forsake’: Sanskrit (reduplicated) já-hā-ti ‘to leave, to abandon, to desert, to
quit, to forsake, to relinquish’, (causative) hāpayati ‘to cause to leave or
abandon; to omit, to neglect; to fall short of, to be wanting’, hāni-ḥ ‘to release’; Greek (Homeric) (reduplicated) κιχᾱ́νω, (Attic) κιγχάνω ‘to
reach, hit, or light upon; to meet with, to find; (Homeric) to overtake, to
reach, to arrive at’, χῆρα (Ionic χήρη) ‘bereft of husband, widow’, χῆρος
‘widowed, bereaved’, χώρα ‘the space in which a thing is’, χωρέω ‘to
make room for another, to give way, to draw back, to retire, to withdraw;
to go forward, to move on or along’, χῶρος ‘piece of ground, ground,
place’, (adv.) χωρίς ‘separately, asunder, apart, by oneself or by
themselves’, (dat.) χήτει ‘in lack of’, χατέω ‘to crave, to long for, to have
need of, to lack’, χατίζω ‘to have need of, to crave; to lack, to be without’,
χατίζων ‘a needy, poor person’; Latin hērēs ‘heir’; Gothic gaidw ‘lack’;
Crimean Gothic geen ‘to go'.

Dravidian : Kuṛux kānā ‘to go, to lead to (as a road), to progress favorably,
to go on, to continue, to perish, to pass (of time), to come to an end, to
have diarrhea (stomach), to bring oneself to, to be able to’; Malto kale ‘to
go, to come to’; Brahui hining (pres. indef. kāv, kās, kāe, kān, kāre, kār;
pres.-fut. kāva, kāsa, kāik, kāna, kāre, kāra) ‘to go, to depart, to disappear,
to be past, to pass beyond, to be no longer fit for, to flow, to have diarrhea

6. Proto-Indo-European *gwenu- ‘jaw, cheek, chin’)

Dravidian: Tamil cenni, cennai ‘cheek’; Malayalam cennam ‘jaw, cheek’;
Kota keyṇ ‘cheek just in front of the ear’; KannaDa kenne ‘the upper
cheek’; Tuḷu kenni, kennè ‘cheek’ . .Again closer to Germanic etc .

7.  Proto-Indo-European *ghedh- (secondary o-grade form: *ghodh-) ‘to force,
drive, or press together; to join; to unite; to gather (together); to collect’ .
Dravidian: Tamil kiṭṭu (kiṭṭi-) ‘to draw near (in time or place); to be on
friendly terms with; to be attained, accomplished; to be clenched (as the
teeth in lockjaw); to approach, to attack, to meet, to tie, to bind’, kiṭṭa
‘near, close by’, kiṭṭam ‘nearness, vicinity’, kiṭṭi ‘clamps (used in torture,
etc.)’, kiṭṭinar ‘relations, friends, associates’, kiṭai (-pp-, -tt-) ‘(vb.) to beobtained, found; to come into one’s possession; to join, to come together;
to approach, to encounter; to oppose; (n.) comparison, likeness, equality’;
Malayalam kiṭa ‘approach, match, equality’, kiṭayuka ‘to knock against, to
quarrel, to be found or obtained’, kiṭaccal ‘meeting, quarrelling’, kiṭekka
‘to be obtained, to engage in’, kiṭṭuka ‘to come to hand, to be obtained, to
reach’, kiṭṭam ‘vicinity, nearness’, kiṭṭi ‘torture by pressing the hands
between two sticks’; Toda kiṭ- (kiṭy-) ‘to be caught (in crowd, by buffalo’s
horns, by promise that one must keep, etc.)’, kïḍ- ‘vicinity’; Kannaḍa kiṭṭu
‘to touch, to reach, to come to hand, to be obtained’, giṭṭisu ‘to cause
oneself to be reached’, kiṭṭi ‘torture in which hands, ears, or noses are
pressed between two sticks’, kiḍu ‘touching, approach’; Koḍagu kïṭṭ-
(kïṭṭi-) ‘to be gotten, to come into possession of’; Tuḷu kiṭṭa ‘proximity;
near’, giṭṭu ‘proximate, near’; Koraga kiṭṭi ‘to touch’; Telugu kiṭṭu ‘to
approach, to draw near, to agree, to suit’; Malto kiṭe ‘near, nigh’.

8.  Proto-Indo-European *ǵerh₂- '  to grow old, to mature' .
Dravidian : Tamil kir̤am, kir̤aṭu ‘old age; aged person, animal, or thing
(contemptuous)’, kir̤amai, kir̤avu ‘old’, kir̤avan, kir̤avōn ‘old man’, (f.)
kir̤ avi ‘old woman’, kir̤ atan ‘old fellow’ (used in contempt), (f.) kir̤aṭi ‘old
lady’ (used in contempt); Malayalam kir̤avan ‘old man’, (f.) kir̤ avi, kir̤atti
‘old woman’; Kannaḍa ker̤ava, ker̤iva ‘old man’; Tuḷu kīru̥ ‘ancient, old’.
Burrow—Emeneau 1984:145, no. 1579.

9. Proto-Indo-European *kher-/*khor-/*khr̥ - ‘edge, shore, bank’: Avestan
karana- ‘end, border, shore’; Farsi karān ‘shore, side’; Lithuanian krãštas
‘edge, verge, border, brim, bank’, krañtas ‘bank, seashore’; Latvian krasts
‘shore, bank (of a river)’, krants ‘cliff’; Russian krutój [крутой] ‘steep’,
krúča [круча] ‘steep slope’.

Dravidian : Tamil karai ‘shore, bank, ridge of a field, border of a cloth’;
Malayalam kara ‘shore, riverside, land (opposite to sea), colored border of
a cloth’, karal ‘border, margin, edge’; Kannaḍa kare ‘bank, shore,
boundary, border of a cloth’; Koḍagu kare ‘bank’; Tuḷu karè ‘seashore,
bank of a river, border, colored border of a cloth’; Telugu kara ‘shore,

10 . Proto-Indo-European *khar- ‘hard, strong, firm’: Sanskrit karkaṭa-ḥ ‘crab’,
karkara-ḥ ‘hard, firm’; Greek καρκίνος ‘crab’, κάρτος, κράτος ‘strength,
might’, καρτερός ‘strong, stout, staunch, sturdy’, κρατύς ‘strong, mighty’;
Latin cancer (< *carcro-) ‘crab’; Gothic hardus ‘hard, stern’; Old
Icelandic harðr ‘hard, stern, severe’, herða ‘to make hard’; Norwegian
hard ‘hard, strong’; Swedish hård ‘hard, strong’; Danish haard ‘hard,
strong’; Old English heard ‘hard, strong, stern, severe, brave, stubborn’,heardian ‘to harden’, heardnes ‘hardness’, (adv.) hearde ‘hardly, firmly ' etc etc .

Dravidian : Tamil karumai ‘strength, greatness’; Malayalam karu, karu
‘stout, hard’, karuma ‘hardness, strength of a man’, karuman ‘one who is
strong and able’, karuttu ‘strength, vigor, power, fortitude, courage’;
Kannaḍa kara, karu ‘greatness, abundance, power’; Telugu karamu ‘much,
great, very’. Burrow—Emeneau 1984:119, no. 1287. [(?) Tamil kār̤ ‘(vb.)
to become hard, mature; to be firm or strong in mind; to be implacable; (n.)
hardness, solidity or close grain (as of timber), core, strength of mind’,
kār̤ppu ‘close grain (as of the heart of timber), essence’, kār̤ i ‘great
strength, toughness, hardness’, kār̤ untu ‘heart or core of a tree’;
Malayalam kar̤ampu ‘pulp of fruit, pith, essence’; Kannaḍa kār̤ime, kāḷime
‘obstinacy, haughtiness’; (?) Parji kāṛ- ‘to expand hood (serpent)’.

11. Proto-Indo-European *kert’-/*kr̥ t’- ‘heart’: Hittite (nom.-acc. sg.) ki-ir
‘heart’, (gen. sg. kar-ti-ya-aš); Palaic (dat.-loc. sg.) ka-a-ar-ti ‘heart’;
Greek καρδία (poet. κήρ) ‘heart’; Armenian sirt ‘heart’; Latin cor ‘heart’
(gen. sg. cordis); Old Irish cride ‘heart’; Welsh craidd ‘center, heart’;
Cornish créz ‘middle’; Gothic hairtō ‘heart’; Old Icelandic hjarta ‘heart’;
Norwegian hjarta ‘heart’; Swedish hjärta ‘heart’; Danish hjerte ‘heart’;
Old English heorte ‘heart’; Old Frisian herte ‘heart’; Old Saxon herta
‘heart’; Dutch hart ‘heart’; Old High German herza ‘heart’ (New High
German Herz); Lithuanian širdìs ‘heart’, šerdìs ‘core, pith, heart’; Latvian
sird̃ s ‘heart’; Old Church Slavic srъdьce ‘heart’, srěda ‘center, middle,
midst’; Russian sérdce [сердце] ‘heart’; Slovak srdce ‘heart’. The
following (but with a different initial consonant: *gert’-/*gr̥ t’- ‘heart’)
may belong here as well: Sanskrit hṛ́daya- ‘heart; mind, soul; breast, chest,
stomach, interior’; Avestan zǝrǝd- ‘heart’; Baluchi zirdē ‘heart’ etc etc.

Dravidian: Malayalam karaḷ, karuḷ ‘lungs and heart, liver, bowels; heart,
mind’, kariḷ ‘heart’; Kota karl ‘heart, mind, desire’; Kannaḍa karuḷ,
karaḷu, karḷu, kaḷḷu ‘an entrail, the bowels; love’; Koḍagu karï ‘intestines’;
Tuḷu karalu̥, karlu̥ ‘the bowels, the liver’.

12.  Proto-Indo-European *kay- (extended form *kay-wo-) ‘alone’: Latin
caelebs ‘unmarried, single’; Sanskrit kévala-ḥ ‘exclusively one’s own,
alone’; Old Church Slavic cě-glъ ‘alone’; Latvian kaîls ‘barren, childless’.
Pokorny 1959:519 *kai-, *kai-u̯o-, *kai-u̯elo- ‘alone’; Walde 1927—
1932.I:326 *qai-; Mann 1984—1987:459 *kai- ‘alone, separate, only’, 460
*kailos ‘single, alone, deprived’; Mayrhofer 1956—1980.I:267 *kaiwelo-;
Mallory—Adams 1997:12 *kai-u̯elos ‘alone’; De Vaan 2008:80; Walde—
Hofmann 1965—1972.I:130 *qaiu̯elo-, *qai-u̯o-, *qai-lo-; Ernout—
Meillet 1979:83.

Dravidian : Tamil kaimmai ‘widowhood, widow, lovelorn condition’,
kaintalai, kayini, kaini ‘widow’, kai-kkilai ‘unreciprocated love’; Tuḷu kaipoṇjavu ‘a single woman’ (poṇjavu, poṇjevu ‘a female in general, a grown-up woman’); Parji kētal, (NE.) kēṭal ‘widow’, kētub ‘widower’, kētub cind ‘orphan’; Gadba (Ollari) kēṭal ‘widow’.

13. Proto-Indo-European *kreue-  "raw flesh" (source also of Sanskrit kravih "raw flesh," krura- "bloody, raw, hard;" Greek kreas "flesh;" Latin crudus "not cooked," cruor "thick blood;" Old Irish cru, Lithuanian kraujas, Old Church Slavonic kruvi "blood;" Old English hrot "thick fluid, serum") .

Dravidian: Tamil kuruti ‘blood, red color’; Malayalam kuruti ‘blood’;
Kannaḍa kurudi ‘colored red water’; Tuḷu kurdi, kurudi ‘red liquid
prepared by mixing turmeric and lime, used for auspicious purposes’.

It is interesting as a friend points me , that IE root h₁rewdʰ "red" could be connected to this root too (It is similar to  Drav. kurud) .

14. Proto-Indo-European  (*k’en-/*k’on-/)*k’n- ‘knot, knob’: Old Icelandic
knappr ‘knob’, knúi ‘knuckle’, knúta ‘knuckle-bone, joint-bone’, knútr
‘knot’, knýttr ‘knotted, crippled’, knykill ‘small knot’, knöttr ‘ball’;
Norwegian knast ‘knot’; Swedish knagg ‘knot’; Old English cnotta ‘knot’;
Middle English cnap ‘knob’, cnag ‘knot, peg’, cnarre ‘knot’, cnarri
‘knotty, gnarled’, cnobbe ‘knob’, cnobbel ‘knob’, cnop ‘knob’, cnoppe
‘knob, bud’, cnorre ‘knot, excrescence’, cnottel ‘little knot’, cnotti
‘knotty’, cnottien ‘knot’, cnurned ‘gnarled, knotty’, cnokil ‘knuckle’;
Middle Dutch knolle ‘clod, ball’; Middle Low German knobbe ‘knot,
knob, bud’, knotte ‘knot, knob’, knökel ‘knuckle’; Middle High German
knolle ‘clod, ball’, knotze ‘knot, knob’; New High German Knast ‘knot’,
Knorren ‘knot, knotty protuberance’, Knopf ‘knot, knob, button’, Knolle
‘clod, lump; knot, knob, protuberance; bulb, tuber’, Knöchel ‘knuckle,
ankle (bone)’, Knochen ‘bone’, Knoten ‘knot’, Knubbe ‘knot’.

Dravidian : Tamil kaṇ ‘joint in bamboo or cane’, kaṇu ‘joint of bamboo,
cane, etc., knuckle, joint of the spine, vertebra’, kaṇukkai ‘wrist’, kaṇukkāl
‘ankle’; Malayalam kaṇ, kaṇu, kaṇṇu, kaṇpu ‘joint in knot or cane’,
kaṇavu ‘node of bamboo, cane, etc.’, kaṇakkai, kaṇaṅkai ‘wrist’, kaṇakkāl,
kaṇaṅkāl ‘ankle’, kaṇippu ‘articulation of limbs’; Kota kaṇ ‘joint of
bamboo’; Toda koṇ ‘joint of bamboo or cane’; Kannaḍa kaṇ ‘joint in
reeds, sticks, etc.’, gaṇalu ‘knuckle of the fingers, joint or knot of any
cane’, gaṇike ‘knot or joint’; Tuḷu kāra kaṇṇu̥ ‘ankle’; Telugu kanu, kannu
‘joint in cane or reed’, kaṇupu, gaṇupu ‘joint, knot, node (of bamboo,
sugarcane, etc.)’; Kolami gana ‘knot in tree’; Naikṛi khan ‘joint in
bamboo’; Gondi gana, ganakay ‘wrist’; Kuṛux xann ‘place on bamboo or
cane where side shoot was cut away’; Brahui xan ‘knot in wood’.

15. Proto-Indo-European *kwhel-/*k¦whol-/*k¦whl̥- ‘to go, to walk, to move
about’: Sanskrit cárati, calati ‘to move one’s self, to go, to walk, to move,to stir, to roam about, to wander’; Avestan carāiti ‘to go, to move’; Greek
πολέω ‘to go about, to range over’, πολεύω ‘to turn about, to go about’.

Dravidian: Tamil kulavu (kulavi-) ‘to walk, to move about’; Toda kwal-
(kwad-) ‘to go round and round (millet in a mortar pit, buffaloes in a pen),
to frisk about, to run about wasting time’.

16.   Proto-Indo-European *k¦whelo-, *k¦wholo-, (reduplicated) *k¦whe-k¦whlo-,
*k¦who-k¦whlo- ‘wheel’: Sanskrit cakrá-ḥ ‘wheel’; Pāḷi cakka- ‘wheel’; Hindi
cāk ‘any kind of wheel, millstone’; Avestan caxra- ‘wheel’; Greek κύκλος
‘a ring, circle; round; a wheel’, (adv.) κύκλῳ ‘in a circle or ring, round
about’; Latin colus ‘spinning wheel’; Old Icelandic hvel ‘wheel’, hjól, hvél
‘wheel’; Faroese hjól ‘wheel’; Norwegian hjul ‘wheel’; Swedish hjul
‘wheel’; Danish hjul ‘wheel’; Old English hwēol ‘wheel’; Middle Low
German wēl ‘wheel’; Dutch wiel ‘wheel’; Tocharian A kukäl, B kokale
‘cart, wagon, chariot’; Old Church Slavic kolo ‘wheel’; Russian kolesó
[колесо] ‘wheel’; Czech kolo ‘wheel’; Serbo-Croatian kȍlo ‘wheel, circle’.

 Dravidian: Tamil kāl ‘wheel, cart’; Kannaḍa gāli ‘wheel’; Tuḷu gāli
‘wheel’; Telugu kalu ‘a carriage wheel’, gānu, gālu ‘wheel’.
The previous one is obviously related too.According to theory advocating for steppe scenario , this root for wheel, should be absent, in languages outside IE!.

17. Proto-Indo-European *k¦wher-/*k¦whor-/*k¦whr̥ - ‘to cut’: Hittite (3rd sg. pres.
act.) ku-e-ir-zi ‘to cut, to cut up, to cut off’, (3rd pl. pres. act.) ku-ra-an-zi,
(instr. sg.) ku-ru-uz-zi-it ‘cutter’, (1st sg. pret. act.) ku-e-ir-šu-un ‘to cut
(off)’, (acc. sg.) ku-ra-an-na-an ‘section, area’, (nom. sg.) ku-e-ra-aš,
ku-ra-aš ‘field, parcel, territory, (land) area, precinct, subdivision’; Luwian
(3rd sg. pres. act.) ku-wa-ar-ti ‘to cut’ (?), kursawar ‘cut (off)’;
Hieroglyphic Luwian kura/i- ‘to cut’; Welsh pryd (< *k¦r̥ -tu-) ‘time’;
Oscan -pert in petiro-pert ‘four times’; Sanskrit -kṛt  .

Dravidian: Tamil kurai ‘(vb.) to cut, to reap; (n.) piece, section’, kuru
(kuruv-, kurr-) ‘to pluck’; Malayalam kurekka ‘to cut off’; Koḍagu korv-
(kort-) ‘to make a fallen branch into a club’; Toda kwarf- (kwart-) ‘to cut’;
Kannaḍa kore, kori ‘to cut, to break through, to bore, to pierce’, kori ‘a
large branch cut off from a thorn-bush’, kore ‘cutting, cut-off piece’,
koreyuvike ‘cutting, etc.’, koreta, korata ‘act of cutting, etc.; the piercing of
cold’, korcu, koccu ‘to cut away, to cut up, to cut to pieces’;

18. Proto-Indo-European *k¦wher-/*k¦whor- ‘vessel, pot’: Sanskrit carú-ḥ
‘vessel, pot’; Old Icelandic hverr ‘kettle, cauldron’; Old English hwer ‘pot,
bowl, kettle, cauldron’; Old High German (h)wer ‘cauldron’; Old Irish
co(i)re ‘cauldron’; Middle Welsh peir ‘cauldron’. Pokorny 1959:642
**kßer-’ 'dish'; Walde 1927—1932.I:518 *qßer-; Mann 1984—1987:1028 *qu̯ernā, -is (*qu̯erən-) ‘pot, shell, skull’, 1028 *qu̯eros, -is, -us ‘pot, pan,
vessel, cauldron’; Watkins 1985:34 *k¦er- ‘something shaped like a dish
or shell’; Mallory—Adams 1997:443 *k¦werus ‘large cooking pot,
cauldron’; Mayrhofer 1956—1980.I:377; Orël 2003:200 Proto-Germanic
*xweraz; Kroonen 2013:265 Proto-Germanic *hwera- ‘kettle’; De Vries

 Dravidian: Gondi karvi ‘narrow-mouthed earthen vessel for oil or liquor’;
Koḍagu karava ‘clay pot with narrow neck’. Burrow—Emeneau 1984:118,
no. 1273(a). Telugu gurigi ‘a very small earthen pot’; Gondi kurvi ‘earthen
cooking pot’, kurvī ‘earthen jar’, kuṛvī ‘pitcher (black, for cooking)’; Kui
kui ‘pot’. Burrow—Emeneau 1984:162, no. 1797; Krishnamurti 2003:8
*kur-Vwi ‘small pot’.

19. Proto-Indo-European *k’¦werbh-/*k’¦worbh-/*k’¦wr̥bh-, *k’¦wrebh- ‘the inside, the middle, interior, inward part’: Sanskrit gárbha-ḥ ‘womb, the inside,middle, interior’; Avestan garəwō ‘womb’, gǝrǝbuš ‘the young of an
animal’; Greek βρέφος ‘the babe in the womb, fetus’; Old Church Slavic
žrěbę, žrěbьcь ‘foal’. Mann 1984―1987:370 *gu̯rebhnos, -es-
(*gu̯rebhmn̥, -ōn) ‘fetus, infant, animal’; Mallory—Adams 1997:615
*g¦erbhen-, *g¦rebhos; Hofmann 1966:39; Boisacq 1950:133 *gßrebh-os;
Frisk 1970―1973.I:266 *gßrebh-, *gßerbh-; Chantraine 1968—1980.I:195
*g¦er-bh-/*g¦r-ebh-. Mayrhofer (1956―1980.I:329), on the other hand,
compares Sanskrit gárbha-ḥ with Greek δελφύς ‘womb’, as does Frisk
(1970―1973.I:363), while Chantraine (1968—1980.I:195) notes that
Sanskrit gárbha-ḥ can go with either Greek βρέφος or δελφύς.
Buck 1949:4.47 womb; 12.37 middle. Möller 1911:101; Bomhard—Kerns
1994:489, no. 336.

Dravidian: Tamil karu ‘fetus, embryo, egg, germ, young of animal’,
karuppai ‘womb’, karuvam ‘fetus, embryo’; Malayalam karu ‘embryo,
yolk’; Kota karv ‘fetus of animal, larva of bees, pregnant (of animals)’;
Telugu karuvu ‘fetus’, kari ‘uterus of animals’; Parji kerba ‘egg’; Gadba
(Ollari) karbe ‘egg’; Gondi garba ‘egg’.

20.  Proto-Indo-European *khath- ‘to fight’: Sanskrit śátru-ḥ ‘enemy, foe,
rival’; Prakrit sattu- ‘enemy, foe’; Old Irish cath ‘battle’; Welsh cad ‘war’;
Old Icelandic (in compounds) höð- ‘war, slaughter’; Old English (in compounds) heaðu- ‘war, battle’; Old High German (in compounds) hadu-
‘fight, battle’; Middle High German hader ‘quarrel, strife’ (New High
German Hader); Old Church Slavic kotora ‘battle’; Hittite kattu- ‘enmity,

Dravidian: Tamil katavu (katavi-) ‘to be angry with, to be displeased with,
to quarrel with’, katam ‘anger’, katar̤ ‘to be angry with, to be displeased
with, to be furious’, katar̤vu ‘fury, heat, vehemence’, kati ‘to be angry
with’; Malayalam katam ‘wrath’, kataykkuka ‘to get angry’, katarppu
‘getting angry’; Kannaḍa kati, khati, kāti, khāti ‘anger, wrath’; Kolami
ka·ti ‘anger, hate’. Burrow—Emeneau 1984:112, no. 1186. Tamil kātu
(kāti-) ‘to kill, to murder, to cut, to divide’, kātu ‘murder’, kātal ‘killing,
fighting, cutting, breaking’; Kannaḍa kādu ‘to wage war, to fight, to
contend with’, kāduha ‘fighting’; Tuḷu kāduni ‘to quarrel, to fight, to
wrestle’, kādaḍuni ‘to fight’, kādāṭa ‘a fight, war, battle’.

21. Proto-Indo-European *k’ebh-/*k’obh- ‘(vb.) to munch, to chew; (n.) jaw’:
Old Irish gop (Modern Irish gob) ‘beak, mouth’; New High German Kebe
‘fish-gill’; Lithuanian žėbiù, žė̃bti ‘to munch’; Czech žábra ‘fish-gill’.
Pokorny 1959:382 *ĝep(h)-, *ĝebh- ‘jaw, mouth; to eat’. Sanskrit Cibuka .

Dravidian: Tamil kavuḷ ‘cheek, temple or jaw of elephant’; Malayalam
kaviḷ ‘cheek’; Tuḷu kauḷu ‘the cheek’, kavuṇḍrasa, kavuḍrasa ‘cancer of
the cheek’; Parji gavla, (metathesis in) galva ‘jaw’.Germanic forms are close again.

22.  Proto-Indo-European *k’¦wer-/*k’¦wor-/*k’¦wr̥ - ‘to make a sound, to call, to
call out, to praise’: Sanskrit gṛṇā́ti ‘to call, to call out, to invoke, to praise,
to extol’, gī́r ‘words, speech, voice, language, invocation, praise, verse’,
guráte ‘to salute’, gūrtí-ḥ ‘approval, praise’; Latin grātus ‘pleasing,
welcome, agreeable’, grātēs ‘thanks, gratitude’; Old High German queran
‘to sigh’ (New High German quarren); Lithuanian giriù, gìrti ‘to praise, to
commend .etc etc.

Dravidian: Tamil kūru (kūri-) ‘to speak, to assert, to cry out the price, to
cry aloud, to proclaim’, kūrram ‘word’, kūrru ‘proclamation, utterance,
word’; Malayalam kūruka ‘to speak, to proclaim’, kūrru ‘call, cry of men,
noise’, kūrram ‘cry (as for help)’; Kannaḍa gūrṇisu, gūrmisu ‘to murmur
or roar (as water of a river or the sea), to sound (as a trumpet), to roar or
bellow, to cry aloud’; Telugu ghūrṇillu ‘to sound, to resound’ (gh- is from
Sanskrit ghūrṇ- ‘to move to and fro’ [> Telugu ghūrṇillu ‘to whirl, to turn
around’]) ; Tuḷu gūruni ‘to hoot’.

23. Proto-Indo-European *khreyH-/*khriH- (> *khrī-) ‘(adj.) better, superior,
glorious, illustrious; (n.) high rank’: Sanskrit śréyas- ‘more splendid or
beautiful, more excellent or distinguished, superior, preferable, better’, śrī-
‘high rank, power, might, majesty, royal dignity; light, luster, radiance,
splendor, glory, beauty, grace, loveliness’; Avestan srayah- ‘fairer, more
beautiful’, srī- ‘beauty, fairness’, srīra- ‘fair, beautiful’; Greek κρείων,
κρέων ‘ruler, lord, master’.

Dravidian: Tamil cira ‘to be eminent, illustrious; to surpass; to be
abundant; to be auspicious; to be graceful; to rejoice’, cirantōr ‘the great,
the illustrious, gods, relatives, ascetics’, cirappu ‘pre-eminence, pomp,
abundance, wealth, happiness, esteem’, ciravu ‘meritorious deed’;
Malayalam cirakka (cirannu) ‘to be glorious’; Kannaḍa serapu
‘hospitality, honor, festival’.

24 .  Proto-Indo-European *hew- [*haw-] ‘to long for, to desire’: Sanskrit ávati
‘to be pleased, to strive for’, áva-ḥ ‘favor, protection, gratification’;
Avestan avaiti ‘to protect, to help’, avah- ‘protection’; Latin aveō ‘to long
for, to desire’, avidus ‘passionately desiring, longing for’; Welsh ewyllys
‘will’, awydd ‘desire’ (Latin loan) .

Dravidian: Tamil āvu (āvi-) ‘to desire’, avāvu (avāvi-) ‘to desire, to crave
for, to covet’, avā ‘desire for a thing, covetousness’; Malayalam āvikka ‘to
desire’, āval ‘desire’.
25 . Proto-Indo-European *¸hhel-wo- [*hh¸al-wo-] ‘hollow, cavity’: Latin alvus
‘belly, womb’, alveus ‘a hollow, cavity’; Hittite (gen. sg.) ḫal-lu-wa-aš
‘hollow, pit’, (gen. sg.) ḫal-lu-u-wa-aš ‘hollow, deep’, (denominative verb,
3rd sg. pret. act.) ḫal-lu-wa-nu-ut ‘to put down (deep), to lower, to let
deteriorate’. Pokorny 1959:88—89 *u-lo-s (*ēu-l-) ‘pipe, tube; a hollow,
elongated cavity’; Walde 1927—1932.I:25—26 *aulo-s (: *ēul-); Mann
1984—1987:18 *alu̯os, -i̯os, -i̯ə ‘hollow, channel, cavity’; Watkins 1985:4
*aulo- and 2000:6 *aulo- ‘hole, cavity’ (variant [metathesized] form
*alwo-); Mallory—Adams 1997:96 *høelu̯os ~ *høeulos ‘elongated cavity,
hollow’; Puhvel 1984— .3:47—49; Ernout—Meillet 1979:36; Walde—
Hofmann 1965—1972.I:34—35 *aul-, *au̯el-; De Vaan 2008:25 *høeulo-
‘tube, belly’. Not related to: Greek αὐλός ‘any tube or pipe; flute’, αὐλών
‘a hollow way, defile, glen; a canal, aqueduct, trench; a channel, strait’;
Lithuanian aũlas ‘top (of a boot)’, aulỹs ‘beehive’; Bulgarian úlej
‘beehive’; Norwegian (dial.) aul, aule ‘pipe’. In view of Hittite (nom. sg.)
a-ú-li-iš ‘tube-shaped organ in the neck, throat (?), windpipe (?)’, without
initial a-coloring laryngeal, the Greek, Slavic, Baltic, and Germanic forms,
together with the Hittite, must be derived from Proto-Indo-European
*hewlo-s [*hawlos] (traditional *oeeu̯lo-s) ‘pipe, tube’ and, by extension,
‘any tube-shaped object’. Also Sanskrit Aluka Latin  Alum (uncertain plant/root), Alium (garlic).

Dravidian: Tamil aḷai ‘anthill, hole in the ground, hollow in a tree, cave’;
Malayalam aḷa ‘hole (in trees, in the ground)’, aḷḷāppu ‘hole, hollow’;
Beṭṭa Kuruba aḷe ‘hole’; Kota aḷ ‘cave’; Toda oḷb ‘animal’s den, cave’;
Telugu laga ‘hole, burrow’; Kuṛux alap ‘hollow place underground,
cavern’, lātā ‘hole, cavity, den’.

26.  Proto-Indo-European *¸hher(H)- [*¸hhar(H)-] ‘to plow’: Hittite (3rd sg.
pres.) ḫar-aš-zi ‘to plow’; Greek ἀρόω ‘to plow’; Latin arō ‘to plow’; Old
Irish airim ‘to plow’; Gothic arjan ‘to plow’; Old Icelandic erja ‘to plow’;
Old English erian ‘to plow’, ierþ ‘plowing’; Old High German erran ‘to
plow’; Lithuanian ariù, árti ‘to plow, to till’; Old Church Slavic ralu ‘a
plow’, orjǫ, orati ‘to plow’; Tocharian A āre ‘a plow’  etc.

Dravidian: Tamil araka ‘a plow with bullocks’; Malto are ‘a plow’.

27. Proto-Indo-Europeanhhor-/*¸hhr̥ - ‘eagle’: Hittite ḫara(n)- (< *¸hhr̥ -n-)
(nom. sg. ḫa-a-ra-aš, gen. sg. ḫa-ra-na-aš) ‘eagle’, (?) ḫarrani- or
ḫurrani- name of an ornithomatic bird; Palaic ḫa-ra-a-aš ‘eagle’; Greek
ὄρνις ‘bird’; Armenian oror ‘kite, gull’; Welsh eryr ‘eagle’; Gothic ara
‘eagle’; Old Icelandic (poet.) ari, örn (< *arnu-) (gen. sg. arnar, acc. örnu,
pl. ernir) ‘eagle’; Old English earn ‘eagle’ (Middle English ern(e), earn);
Old High German aro, arn ‘eagle’ (New High German [poetic] Aar);
Lithuanian erẽlis (dial. arẽlis) ‘eagle’; Latvian èrglis ‘eagle’; Old Prussian
arelie ‘eagle’; Old Church Slavic orьlъ ‘eagle’; Russian orël [орëл]
‘eagle’ etc etc.

Dravidian: Tamil eruvai ‘a kind of kite whose head is white and whose
body is brown, eagle’; Malayalam eruva ‘eagle, kite’.

28. Proto-Indo-European *¸hhew-r- [*¸hhaw-r-]/*¸hhow-r-/*¸hhu-r-, *¸hhw-er-
/*¸hhw-or- ‘(vb.) to sprinkle, to spray, to rain; (n.) rain, moisture’: Sanskrit
vā́ri ‘water, rain, fluid’; Avestan vairi- ‘lake’, vār- ‘to rain’; Hittite (3rd
pl.) ḫur-na-an-zi ‘to sprinkle’, ḫur-na-a-iš ‘spray’, (3rd pl.) ḫu-u-wa-raan-
zi ‘to sprinkle’; Palaic (3rd sg. pres. act.) ḫu-wa-ar-ni-na-i ‘to sprinkle’;
Tocharian A wär, B war ‘water’; Greek οὖρον ‘urine’, ῥαίνω (< *Hwrn̥-
yō) ‘to sprinkle, to be sprinkle’; Latin ūrīna ‘urine’; Old Irish feraim ‘to
pour’; Old Icelandic aurr ‘moist earth, clay, mud’, ver ‘sea’, úr ‘light rain,
drizzle’, ýra ‘to drizzle’; Swedish (dial.) örja ‘swamp’; Old English ēar
‘sea’, wbr ‘spray’.

Dravidian: Tuḷu barakelu̥ ‘inundation’; Telugu varada ‘flood, torrent,
inundation, deluge’, varru ‘flow, flood’; Parji vered ‘flood’; Konḍa urda
‘flood’; Kuwi varda pīyu ‘torrential rain’, vāru ‘flood’.

29. Proto-Indo-European *¸hhul- (> *¸hhol-) ‘to smite, to destroy’: Hittite (3rd
sg. pres.) ḫu-ul-la-a-i ‘to smite, to destroy’, (ptc.) ḫu-ul-ḫu-li-ya-an-te-eš
‘smitten’, ḫu-ul-la-an-za-iš ‘battle’; Greek ὄλλῡμι ‘to destroy, to make an
end of’, –ëåèñïò ‘ruin, destruction, death’; Latin ab-oleō ‘to destroy’ .

Dravidian: Tamil ula ‘to become diminished, to be wasted, to be devoid of,
to die, to terminate’, ulakkai ‘end, ruin, death’, ulappu ‘wasting, perishing,
defect, death, limit’, ulai ‘to perish, to be ruined, to ruin’, ulaivu ‘ruin,
destruction, defeat, trouble, poverty’; Malayalam ulakkuka ‘to shrink up’,
ulayuka ‘to be impoverished, ruined’, ulaccal, ulavu ‘ruin’.

30.  Proto-Indo-European *an "on, upon, above" Greek ana (prep.) "up, on, upon; up to, toward; throughout; back, backwards; again, anew,"

Dravidian :  Tamil aṇ ‘upper part’, aṇa ‘to lift the head’, aṇar ‘to rise, to
move upwards’, aṇavu (aṇavi-) ‘to go upward, to ascend’, aṇṇal
‘greatness, exaltation, superiority, great man, king, god’, aṇṇā ‘to look
upward, to gape, to hold the head erect’; Malayalam aṇṇa ‘upwards,
above’, aṇṇal ‘high, God, esp. Arhat’, aṇṇā ‘looking upwards’; Kannaḍa
aṇṇe, aṇṇa, aṇa ‘excellence, purity’; Tuḷu aṇāvuni, aṇṇāvuni ‘to look up,
to lift up the face, to gaze’.

31. Proto-Indo-European *¸¦hhwel-/*¸¦hhwol-/*¸¦hhwl̥- ‘to draw, to pull, to tear out’:
Latin vellō ‘to pluck, to pull, to tear out’; Lithuanian velkù, vil͂kti ‘to drag,
to pull’; Old Church Slavic vlěkǫ, vlěšti ‘to draw, to drag’; Avestan (in
compounds) varək- ‘to draw’; Gothic wilwan ‘to rob, to plunder’, wilwa
‘robber’ .

Dravidian : Tamil vali ‘to draw, to pull, to row; to have contortions or
convulsions’, vali, valippu ‘pulling, dragging, spasm, convulsion’;
Malayalam vali ‘drawing, pull, tug, spasm’, valikka ‘to draw, to drag, to
row; to have spasms’, valippikka ‘to cause to pull’, valippu ‘drawing,
pulling, spasm’, valiyuka ‘to be drawn, to extend, to have spasmodic pain’;
Koḍagu bali- (balip-, balic-) ‘to snatch, to pull’, balip- ‘the act of
dragging’; Koraga bali ‘to pull’; Kui velba- (ves-) ‘(vb.) to pull, to pull up;
(n.) pulling’.

32. Proto-Indo-European¦hhwet’- ‘to say, to speak’: Sanskrit vāda-ḥ ‘speech,
discourse, talk, utterance, statement’, vádati ‘to speak, to say, to utter, to
tell, to report, to speak to, to talk with, to address’; Greek (?) ἀείδω  ‘to sing’,
αὐδάω ‘to utter sounds, to speak’, αὐδή (Doric αὐδά) ‘the human voice,
speech’, ἀηδώ, ἀηδών ‘nightingale’; Lithuanian vadinù, vadìnti ‘to call, to

Dravidian : Tamil vataru (vatari-) ‘to chatter, to prate, to be talkative, to
lisp, to abuse’; Kannaḍa odaru ‘to sound, to cry aloud, to shout, to shriek,
to howl’, odarukive ‘sounding, crying aloud’; Tuḷu badaritana
‘defamation’; Telugu vadaru, vaduru ‘to prattle, to prate, to babble, to
chatter, to jabber’, vadarũbōtu ‘prattler, babbler’.

33. Proto-Indo-European *wal- ‘to be strong’: Latin valeō ‘to be strong’; Old
Irish faln-, foln- (in deponent forms) ‘to rule’, flaith (< *wlati-) ‘lordship’; Welsh gwledig ‘prince’, gwlad ‘country’; Gothic waldan ‘to rule, to
govern’; Old Icelandic valda ‘to wield, to rule over’, vald ‘power,
authority’; Swedish våla ‘to cause, to be the cause of’; Old English
geweald ‘power’, wealdan ‘to have control over, to wield (weapon); to
govern; to possess; to cause’, gewealden ‘under control, subjected’,
wealdend ‘ruler, king, controller’, gewieldan ‘to overpower, to subdue, to
domesticate’, wielde ‘strong, victorious’; Old Frisian walda ‘to have power
over, to rule over’, wald ‘power, control’; Old Saxon waldan ‘to rule, to
have control over, to govern’, giwald ‘power, control’; Old High German
waltan ‘to rule, to govern’ (New High German walten), giwalt ‘power,
control’ (New High German Gewalt); Lithuanian valdaũ, valdýti ‘to
govern’, valdõnas ‘ruler, lord, master’; Old Church Slavic vladǫ, vlasti ‘to
rule’, vlastь ‘power’; Tocharian A wäl, B walo ‘king’, A/B wlāw- ‘to
control’, B wawlāwar, wlāwalñe ‘control’  Sanskrit bala 'power , strength , might , vigour , force , validity etc etc.

Dravidian :  Tamil val ‘strong, hard, forceful, skilful’, vallamai, vallam,
vallai ‘strength’, vali ‘(vb.) to be strong, hard; to compel; (n.) strength,
power’, valiya ‘strong, big’, valuppu ‘firmness, strength’, valu ‘(vb.) to be
strong or hard; (n.) strength, skill, ability’; Malayalam val, valu, valiya
‘strong, powerful, great’, valluka ‘to be able, strong’; Kannaḍa bal ‘to
grow strong or firm’, bali ‘to increase; to grow; to grow strong, stout; to
become tight, firm, hard; to increase (tr.); to make strong, firm’, bal(u),
bolu ‘strength, firmness, bigness, greatness, abundance, excess’, balisu ‘to
make strong’; Tuḷu bala ‘strength’, Koḍagu bala ‘strength, power’, ballyë
‘great’; Telugu vali ‘big, large’, valamu ‘largeness, stoutness’, baliyu ‘to
grow fat, to increase’, baluvu ‘strength, intensity; heavy, great, excessive,
big, strong, severe’; Gadba valan ‘thick, stout’. Burrow—Emeneau
1984:476—477, no. 5276; Krishnamurti 2003:394 *wal ‘strong’.

34. Proto-Indo-European *wel-/*wol-/*wl̥- ‘to turn, to roll, to revolve’:
Sanskrit válati, válate ‘to turn, to turn around, to turn to’;Armenian gelum
‘to twist, to press’, glem ‘to roll’, glor ‘round’; Greek εἰλέω (< *+ελ-ν-έω)
‘to roll up, to pack close, to wind, to turn around, to revolve’, εἰλύω ‘to
enfold, to enwrap’; Latin volvō ‘to roll, to wind, to turn around, to twist
around’; Old Irish fillid ‘to fold, to bend’; Gothic af-walwjan ‘to roll
away’, at-walwjan ‘to roll to’; Old Icelandic valr ‘round’, velta ‘to roll’,
válka ‘to toss to and fro, to drag with oneself’, válk ‘tossing to and fro
(especially at sea)’; Old English wielwan ‘to roll’, wealwian ‘to roll’,
wealte ‘a ring’, wealcan ‘to roll, to fluctuate (intr.); to roll, to whirl, to turn,
to twist (tr.)’, wealcian ‘to roll (intr.)’, gewealc ‘rolling’, welung
‘revolution (of a wheel)’; Middle English walken ‘to walk, to roll, to toss’,
walkien ‘to walk’; Middle Dutch welteren ‘to roll’, walken ‘to knead, to
press’; Old High German walzan ‘to roll, to rotate, to turn about’ (New
High German wälzen), walken, walchen ‘to knead, to roll paste’; Tocharian
B wäl- ‘to curl’.

Dravidian: Tamil vaḷai ‘to surround, to hover around, to walk around, to
move about (as fetus in the womb)’, veḷaivu ‘circle, circumference’,
vaḷaiyam ‘ring, circle, bracelet, ambit’, vaḷāvu (vaḷāvi-) ‘to surround’,
vaḷākam ‘enclosing, surrounding’; Malayalam vaḷayuka ‘to surround’,
vaḷekka ‘to enclose’, vaḷaccal ‘enclosing’, vaḷayal ‘surrounding’, vaḷa
‘ring, bracelet’; Kota vaḷc- (vaḷc-) ‘to walk in a circle, to make round’, vaḷ
‘bangle’, vaḷ ca·rym ‘all around’; Kannaḍa baḷasu ‘(vb.) to go in a circle or
round, to walk or wander about, to be surrounded, to surround; (n.) act of
surrounding or encompassing, what surrounds, state of being circuitous,
one round or turn (as of a rope, etc.)’, baḷe ‘ring, armlet, bracelet’; Telugu
balayu ‘to surround’, valayu ‘to turn around (intr.)’.

35. Proto-Indo-European *wem-/*wom-/*wm̥ - ‘to vomit, to spit up’: Sanskrit
vámiti, vamati ‘to vomit, to spit up, to eject, to emit’; Avestan vam- ‘to
vomit’; Greek ἐμέω ‘to vomit, to throw up’; Latin vomō ‘to vomit, to throw
up’; Old Icelandic váma ‘qualm, ailment’, vámr ‘a loathsome person’,
vKma ‘nausea, sea sickness’; Lithuanian vemiù, vémti ‘to vomit, to throw

Dravidian: Tamil umi ‘to spit, to gargle’, uminīr ‘spittle, saliva’, umivu
‘spitting’, umir̤ ‘to spit, to gargle, to emit, to vomit’; Malayalam umiyuka,
umikka ‘to spit out’, umi, umir̤u ‘spittle’, umir̤ka ‘to spit, to emit’; Koraga
umi ‘saliva’; Kannaḍa ummalu, ummulu ‘phlegm, mucus’; Telugu umiyu
‘to spit, to spit out’, ummi ‘spittle, saliva’.

36.  Proto-Indo-European *wer- ‘to say, to speak, to tell’: Greek εἴρω (<
*+ερɩ̯ω) ‘to say, to speak, to tell’; Hittite (3rd sg. pres.) ú-e-ri-ya-zi ‘to
invite, to summon, to name’; Palaic (3rd sg. pres.) ú-e-er-ti ‘to say, to call’;
Latin verbum ‘word’; Gothic waurd ‘word’; Old Icelandic orð ‘word’,orðigr ‘wordy’, yrða ‘to speak’; Old English word ‘word’, ge-wyrd(e)
‘conversation’, wordig ‘talkative’; Old Frisian word ‘word’; Old Saxon
word ‘word’; Dutch woord ‘word’; Old High German wort ‘word’ (New
High German Wort); Old Prussian (nom. sg. m.) wīrds, wirds ‘word’ (acc.
sg. m. wirdan); Lithuanian var͂das ‘name’.

Dravidian *verr- ‘to say, to speak, to tell’: Gondi vehānā ‘to tell’;
Konḍa veʀ- ‘to speak, to tell’; Pengo vec- (vecc-) ‘to speak’; Manḍa veh-
‘to tell, to say’; Kui vespa (vest-) ‘to say, to speak, to tell’; Kuṛux bārnā ‘to
be called, termed; to have a title’; Malto báce ‘to relate, to tell’.

37. Proto-Indo-European *welH-/*wl̥H-  to well up, to surge, to flow forth, to boil up; (n.) surge, wave’: Sanskrit ūrmí-ḥ ‘wave, billow’; Avestan varəmi- ‘wave’; Gothic *wulan
‘to seethe’; Old Icelandic vella ‘to boil; to well up, to swarm’; Old English
weallan ‘to be agitated, to rage, to toss, to well, to bubble, to seethe, to
foam, to be hot, to boil; to flow, to swarm; to rise (of a river)’, wiell
‘fountain, spring’, wielm ‘boiling, surging, raging; flowing, bursting forth’;
Old Saxon wallan ‘to surge, to well up, to boil up’; Old High German
wella ‘wave’ (New High German Welle), wallan ‘to bubble, to simmer, to
boil, to seethe; to undulate, to float, to flow, to wave’ (New High German
wallen); Lithuanian vilnìs ‘wave’; Old Church Slavic vlъna ‘wave’; Czech
vlna ‘wave’; Polish wełna ‘wave’; Bulgarian vəlná ‘wave’.

Dravidian: Tamil veḷḷam ‘flood, deluge, sea, wave’; Malayalam veḷḷam
‘water’; Kannaḍa beḷḷa ‘flood’; Tuḷu boḷḷa ‘flood, inundation’; Telugu velli, vellika ‘flow, flood, stream’, velluva ‘flood, inundation’; (?) Brahui
bēl ‘large hill-torrent’. Again Germanic is close.

38. Proto-Indo-European *wet’-/*ut’- (secondary o-grade form: *wot’-) ‘(vb.)
to wet, to moisten; (n.) water’: Luwian (dat. sg.) ú-i-ti ‘water’; Hittite
(nom.-acc. sg.) wa-a-tar ‘water’ (gen. sg. ú-i-te-na-aš, nom.-acc. pl. ú-ida-
a-ar); Sanskrit udán ‘water’, ud-, und- (unátti, undati) ‘to flow, to wet,
to bathe’; Greek ὕδωρ ‘water’ (gen. sg. ὕδατος [< Pre-Greek *udn̥tos]);
Armenian get ‘river’; Umbrian utur ‘water’; Gothic watō ‘water’ (gen. sg.
watins); Old Icelandic vatn ‘water’, vátr ‘wet’; Old Swedish vKtur ‘water’
(Modern Swedish vatten); Norwegian vatn ‘water’; Old English wbt ‘wet,
moist, rainy’, wbtan ‘to wet, to moisten, to water’, wKter ‘water’; Old
Frisian water, weter ‘water’; Old Saxon watar ‘water’; Old High German
wazzar ‘water’ (New High German Wasser); Latvian ûdens ‘water’; Old
Church Slavic voda ‘water’; Russian vodá [вода] ‘water’

Dravidian: Tamil ōtam ‘moisture, dampness, flood, sea, wave’; Malayalam
ōtam ‘dampness in rainy season’; Kannaḍa odde ‘wetness, dampness,
moisture’; Tuḷu odde ‘wetness, dampness, moisture; wet’, veddè ‘moist,
wet’; Naiki (of Chanda) vad, vod ‘dew’.

39. Proto-Indo-European *wen(H)-/*wn̥(H)- (secondary o-grade form:
*won(H)-) ‘to strive for, to wish for, to desire’: Sanskrit vánati, vanóti ‘to like, to love, to wish, to desire; to gain, to acquire, to procure; to conquer,
to win, to become master of, to possess’, vánas- ‘longing, desire’, vaní-ḥ
‘wish, desire’, vanita-ḥ ‘solicited, asked, wished for, desired, loved’, vanú-ḥ,
vanús- ‘zealous, eager’; Avestan vanaiti ‘to win, to strive for, to conquer’;
Latin venus ‘charm, loveliness, attractiveness; sexual love’, vēnor ‘a hunt’,
venia ‘grace, indulgence, favor’, veneror ‘to ask reverently, to beseech
with awe; to revere, to respect, to worship, to honor’; Old Irish fine ‘a
family’; Gothic wēns ‘hope’, winnan ‘to suffer’, winna ‘passion’ etc.

Dravidian: Tamil vēṇṭu (vēṇṭi-) ‘to want, to desire, to beg, to entreat, to
request’, vēṇṭum, vēṇum ‘it will be required, necessary, indispensable; it
must’, vēṇṭām ‘it will not be required, necessary, indispensable; it must
not’, vēṇṭal ‘desiring, petition’, vēṇṭāmai ‘aversion, dislike, absence of
desire, contentment’, vēṇṭār ‘those who have no desires; enemies’, vēṇṭiya ‘indispensable, required, sufficient, many’, vēṇṭiyavan ‘friend, wellwisher’,
vēṇṭunar ‘those who wish for or desire a thing’, vēṇ ‘desire’;
Malayalam vēṇam, vēṇṭum ‘it must, ought, is desired’, vēṇ ‘necessary’,
vēṇṭa ‘useful, required’, vēṇṭu ‘must’, vēṇṭa ‘must not, need not’, vēṇṭuka
‘being necessary, friendship’, vēṇṭikka ‘to make necessary, to procure, to
acquire’; Kannaḍa bēṭa, bēṇṭa ‘longings, sexual passion, amorous
pleasure’; Telugu vēḍu ‘to pray, to beg, to ask for, to wish, to desire’,
vēḍuka ‘pleasure, joy, desire, wish, fun’. Burrow—Emeneau 1984:504—
505, no. 5528; Krishnamurti 2003:278 *wēṇ-ṭu ‘wish’.

40.  Proto-Indo-European *wer- ‘squirrel’ also ‘polecat, ferret’ (reduplicated
forms: *we-wer-, *wer-wer-, *wi-wer-, *way-wer-, etc.): Farsi varvarah
‘squirrel’; Latin vīverra ‘ferret’; Welsh gwiwer ‘squirrel’; Breton gwiber
‘squirrel’; Scots Gaelic feorag ‘squirrel’; Old Icelandic íkorni ‘squirrel’;
Norwegian ikorn, ikorna ‘squirrel’; Danish egern ‘squirrel’; Swedish
ekorre ‘squirrel’; Old English ācweorna ‘squirrel’ (āc- = ‘oak’); Middle
Low German ēkeren, ēkhorn ‘squirrel’; Dutch eekhoorn ‘squirrel’; Old
High German eihhurno, eihhorno ‘squirrel’ (New High German Eichhorn);
Lithuanian vėverìs, vaiverė͂, voverė͂ ‘squirrel’, vaiverìs ‘male polecat’;
Latvian vãvere ‘squirrel’; Old Prussian weware ‘squirrel’; Czech veverka
‘squirrel’; Old Russian věverica ‘squirrel’ (Russian véverica [веверица]).

 Dravidian: Tamil uruttai ‘squirrel’; Telugu uruta ‘squirrel’.

41. Proto-Indo-European *wor-/*wr̥ - ‘(vb.) to plow; (n.) furrow, ditch’: Latin
urvum ‘the curved part of a plow, plow-tail’, urvō ‘to plow round, to mark
out with a plow’ urvare 'to plow round, mark out with a plough', urvum 'the plough-tail', verv-agere 'to plow land'; Oscan uruvú ‘boundary-ditch’; Mycenaean wo-wo
(+ορ+οι) ‘boundary-ditch, boundary’; Greek ὅρος (Ionic οὖρος)
‘boundary’  Skt. urvarā 'fertile soil , field yielding crop'.

 Dravidian (*wur̤u >) *ur̤u ‘to plow, to dig up’: Tamil ur̤u ‘to plow,
to dig up, to root up (as pigs), to scratch, to incise (as bees in a flower)’,
ur̤avan, ur̤avōn, ur̤ āvan ‘plowman, agriculturalist’, (f.) ur̤atti, ur̤avu
‘plowing, agriculture’, ur̤ āl ‘plowing, scratching, probing (as bees the
flowers)’, ur̤unar ‘plowmen’, ur̤akku (ur̤ akki-) ‘to plow’; Malayalam
ur̤uka, ur̤ukuka, ur̤ utuka ‘to plow’, ur̤ama ‘tillage’, ur̤avan ‘plowman,
farmer’; Kota ug- (uṛt-) ‘to plow, to be plowed’, ukl ‘the act of plowing’;
Toda uṣf- (uṣt-) ‘to plow’; Kannaḍa ur̤ - (ur̤ t-, utt-) ‘to plow’, ur̤ ata, ur̤ uta,
ur̤ame, ur̤ime, ur̤ume, ur̤ al ur̤ uvike, ur̤ ike, ur̤uke, ur̤ ke, ukke ‘plowing’;
Telugu dunnu, dunu ‘to plow, to till’, dukki ‘plowing, tillage’; Kolami ur-
(urt-) ‘to harrow, to plow’; Naikṛi ur- ‘to plow, to harrow’; Parji uṛ- ‘to
plow’; Gadba (Salur) ūḍ- ‘to plow’; Gondi uṛānā, uṛ-, uḍ- (written ud-),
urānā, uṛdānā ‘to plow’; Konḍa ṛū- ‘to plow, to till soil’; Pengo ṛū- ‘to
plow’; Kui ṛūva (ṛūt-) ‘(vb.) to plow; (n.) plowing’, ūṛa (ūṛi-) ‘to dig with
snout, to root up’; Kuwi ṛū- ‘to plow’etc .

42. Proto-Indo-European : *mā- 'to measure', Skt. māna- 'measure, dimension, size, weight; a particular measure of weight', mātra- 'measure of any kind', Greek metron, Latin mensura 'measure'.

Dravidian: Tamil maṭṭam ‘measure, evenness, flatness, rule, line, gauging
rod, limit, extent, bound, degree, guess, conjecture; equality in height, size,
measure; whole quantity leaving no surplus; moderation’, maṭṭu ‘measure,
quantity, standard, degree, size, proportion, amount, limit, extent, scope,
range, estimate, conjecture, moderateness, that which is middling, that
which is commonplace, a standard of measurement’, maṭṭāy ‘moderately,
temperately’, maṭaṅku ‘measure, quantity, degree’; Malayalam maṭṭa ‘a
certain measure of length’, maṭṭam ‘the rule, level of a bricklayer,
carpenter’s square’, maṭṭu ‘measure, limit’; Kota maṭm ‘level place; all’;
Kannaḍa maṭṭa, maṭa, maṭṭasa ‘measure, extent, height, bound, limit,
proper limit, levelness, evenness, equality, regularity, exactness,
carpenter’s level or square’, maṭṭu ‘measure, extent, height, limit’, maṭṭa
‘exactness’; Tuḷu maṭṭa ‘carpenter’s or bricklayer’s square, level, height,
measure’, maṭṭu ‘measure, extent, limit, capacity, ability’; Telugu maṭṭamu
‘level, a leveling instrument, a level’, maṭṭugā ‘moderately, limitedly’,
maṭṭu ‘limit, bound, restriction, measure, extent, degree; limited,
moderate’. Can be a loan from Indo-Aryan.

43. Proto-Indo-European *mag- ‘young’, *magu- ‘young person, child’:
Avestan ma¦ava- ‘unmarried’; Old Irish macc ‘son’; Gothic magus ‘boy,
servant’, magaþs ‘maiden, girl’; Runic magoz ‘son’; Old Icelandic mögr
‘son, boy, youth’; Old English magu ‘child, son; man, warrior; attendant,
servant’, mKg(e)þ ‘maiden, girl; virgin’ (Modern English maid(en)); Old
Frisian maged, megith ‘maiden, girl’; Old Saxon magu ‘servant’, magađ
‘maiden, girl’; Old High German magad ‘maiden, girl’ (New High German
Magd ‘maid[servant]’, diminutive Mädchen ‘girl’), maga- in: magaczogo
‘trainer’; Latvian mač (gen. sg. maǵa) ‘small’.

Dravidian: Tamil maka ‘child, infant, young of animal, son or daughter,
young age’, makaṭu, makaṭū ‘female, woman, wife’, makavu ‘infant, son,
young of animals living in trees (as of monkeys)’, makaḷ ‘daughter,
woman, female, wife, damsel’, makaṇmai ‘sonship, manliness’, makār
‘sons, children’, makkaḷ ‘human beings’, mākkaḷ ‘men, people, mankind,
children’, makiṇan ‘husband, chief of an agricultural tract, lord’;
Malayalam makan ‘son’, makkaḷ ‘children (especially sons), the young of
animals’; Kota mog ‘child, wife’; Toda mox ‘child, son, daughter; male;
woman’; Kannaḍa maga ‘son, male person’, makan ‘son’, magu, magavu,
maguvu, moga, mogu, moguvu ‘child of any sex’, magaḷ ‘daughter’
makkaḷ, markaḷ, makkaḷir ‘children’, magaḷmā ‘a wife who is faithful to
her husband’; Koḍagu makka ‘children’; Tuḷu mage ‘son’, magaḷu
‘daughter’, makkaḷ ‘children’; Telugu maga, moga ‘male’, magãṭimi
‘manliness, bravery, prowess’, magãḍu ‘husband, man, male, king, hero’ etc etc .

44. Proto-Indo-European *men-/*mon-/*mn̥- ‘to stay, to remain, to abide, to
dwell; to be firm, steadfast, established, enduring’: Sanskrit man- ‘to wait,
to stay, to hesitate’; Avestan man- ‘to remain’; Old Persian man- ‘to
remain’; Armenian mnam ‘to remain’; Greek μένω ‘to stand fast; to stay at
home, to stay where one is at; (of things) to be lasting, to remain, to stand,
to be stable, to be permanent; to abide’, μί-μν-ω ‘to stay, to stand fast; to
tarry; (of things) to remain; to await’, μόνη ‘a staying, abiding;
permanence; stopping place, station, apartment, quarters, billets;
monastery’, μόνιμος ‘staying in one’s place, stable; (of persons) steady,
steadfast; (of things) lasting, enduring’; Latin maneō ‘to stay, to remain; to
endure, to last; to abide; to wait for, to await’. Probably also Tocharian
A/B mäsk- (< *mn̥-sk-e/o-) ‘to be’ etc etc .

Dravidian: Tamil mannu (manni-) ‘to be permanent, to endure, to stay, to
remain long, to persevere, to be steady’, mannal ‘permanence, stability,
steadiness’; Malayalam mannuka ‘to stand fast, to persevere’; Telugu
manu ‘to live, to exist, to behave, to act, to conduct oneself’, man(i)ki ‘existence, living, life, residing, livelihood, abode, dwelling, home, place,
locality’, manukuva ‘abode, dwelling, place’, manugaḍa ‘life, living,
livelihood, subsistence’, manucu, manupu ‘to protect, to maintain, to
preserve, to revive’, manupu ‘protection, maintenance’, manuvu ‘conduct’,
manni ‘life’, mannu ‘to last, to be durable’; Naiki (of Chanda) man- ‘to
be’; Gadba (Ollari) man- (may-, maṭ-) ‘to be, to stay’, (Salur) man- (manḍ-,
manj-, mey-) ‘to be’; Gondi mandānā (matt-), man- ‘to remain, to abide, to
be’; Parji men- (mend-, mett-) ‘to be, to stay’; Konḍa man- (maʀ-) ‘to be, to
stay, to dwell’; Pengo man- (mac-) ‘to be’; Kui manba (mas-) ‘to be, to
exist, to remain, to abide’; Kuwi man- (macc-) ‘to be’ etc etc .

45. Proto-Indo-European *mer-yo- ‘(young) man’: Greek (m.) μειράκιον ‘a
boy, lad, stripling’, (f.) μεῖραξ ‘a young girl, lass’; Sanskrit márya-ḥ ‘man,
(especially) young man, lover, suitor’, maryaká-ḥ ‘young stud (said of a
bull among cows)’; Avestan mairya- ‘young man’; Old Persian marīka-
(contracted from *mariyaka-) ‘person of lower rank, subject’. .

Dravidian *mar-i ‘male child, the young of an animal’: Tamil mari
‘young of sheep, horse, deer, etc.; female of sheep, horse, deer, etc.; sheep,
deer’; Malayalam mari ‘offspring, the young of animals, a young deer’;
Kannaḍa mari ‘the young of any animal (except cattle and buffaloes), a
young child; a shoot, sapling’; Telugu maraka ‘a kid’; Tuḷu mari ‘a young
animal’; Kota mayr ‘young of animals (except cattle)’; Toda mary ‘young
of animals (except buffaloes) and birds’; Gondi mari, marri/marr, maṛi,
marrī ‘son’; Pengo mazi ‘son’; Konḍa marin ‘son’, marisi ‘son’, mē-mari
‘husband, man’; Kui mrienji, mrīenju ‘son’; Kuwi miresi ‘son’, mrīesi
‘son, nephew’, mir"esi ‘son’; Brahui mār ‘son, boy, lad’.

46. Proto-Indo-European *mon-/*mn̥- (secondary e-grade form: *men-) ‘(vb.)
to protrude, to stand out, to jut out; (n.) highest or farthest point, topmost or
most protuberant part’: Avestan mati- ‘mountain top’; Latin mentum
‘chin’, ēmineō ‘to project, to stand out’, minae ‘the battlements, parapets of
a wall’, minor ‘to jut out, to project’, prōmineō ‘to stand out, to jut out, to
project’, mōns, -tis ‘mountain’; Welsh mynydd ‘mountain’, mant ‘jaw’;
Cornish meneth ‘mountain’; Breton menez ‘mountain’; Old Icelandic moena ‘to tower’. Pokorny 1959:726 *men- ‘to project’; Walde 1927—
1932.II:263 *men-; Mann 1984—1987:781—782 *mn̥tos ‘mouth, chin,
jaw’; Watkins 1985:41 *men- and 2000:54 *men- ‘to project’; Mallory—
Adams 1997:270 (?) men- ‘mountain’, *men- ‘to project, to stick out’;
Gamkrelidze—Ivanov 1984.II:666 *m(e)n-t[º]-, also fn. 1 *m(e)n-, and
1995.I:574 *m(e)n-t- ‘mountain, heights’ etc etc .

Dravidian: Tamil mun ‘in front, previous, prior; antiquity, eminence’,
munnam ‘in front’, munpu ‘former time, front, antiquity; bodily strength,
greatness; before, in front of, formerly’, munpan ‘powerful man, leader,
master’, munr-il ‘front of a house, space’, munnar ‘before, in advance, in
front of, in former times’, munnu (munni-) ‘to meet, to reach, to join, to
precede’, munai ‘front, face, superiority, eminence, point, sharpened end,
edge, cape, headland’, munnōr ‘predecessors, ancestors, the ancients, chief
ministers’, munātu ‘that which is in front, that which is earlier’, munaiñar
‘commander of an army’, munti ‘front, outer edge of cloth, some time
before’, muntu (munti-) ‘(vb.) to come in front, to advance, to meet, to be
prior in time or place, to take precedence, to take the lead, to be first, to
surpass, to excel, to be old, to be long lasting; (n.) antiquity, priority,
beginning’, muntai ‘antiquity, the past, former time; ancestor; in front of’;
Malayalam mun, munnam ‘priority in space and time, first, former; before’,
munnamē ‘before’, munnar ‘forepart of animals’, munnal ‘presence’,
munnil, munnē ‘before’, munni ‘cape, headland’, munnēyavan, munnēvan
‘the former’, munti ‘the edge, skirt of cloth’, muntuka ‘to overtake’ etc etc .

47. Proto-Indo-European *rom-/*rm̥ - (secondary e-grade form: *rem-) ‘to
stop, to rest, to relax’: Greek (with prefixed ἠ-) ἤρεμος, ἠρεμαῖος ‘still,
quiet, gentle’, ἠρεμέω ‘to keep quiet, to be at rest’, ἠρέμησις ‘quietude’,
ἐρεμίζω ‘to make still or quiet’; Sanskrit rámate ‘to stop, to stay, to rest, to
abide’; Avestan rāman- ‘quiet’; Gothic rimis ‘rest, quiet, tranquility,
calm’; Lithuanian rãmas (n.) ‘quiet’, ramùs (adj.) ‘quiet, calm’, (inf.) rìmti
‘to be calm’.

Dravidian: Gondi romānā, rom- ‘to rest’, rōmānā ‘to rest after labor’,
roma ‘rest, repose’; Konḍa rōmb- ‘to rest, to take rest’; Pengo jōm- ‘to
stop, to rest, to cease’; Kui jāmba (jāmbi-) ‘to rest, to cease, to subside’;
Kuwi jōmali, jōminai, jōm- ‘to rest’, (?) rēmb- ‘to rest’.

48. Proto-Indo-European IE *pele-/*pl (1) "to fill," with derivatives referring to multitudinousness or abundance Greek poly-, combining form of polys "much" (plural polloi); cognate with Latin plus (source also of Sanskrit purvi "much," prayah "mostly;" Avestan perena-, Old Persian paru "much;" Greek plethos "people, multitude, great number," polys "much, plenty," ploutos "wealth;" Lithuanian pilus "full, abundant;" Old Church Slavonic plunu; Gothic filu "much," Old Norse fjöl-, Old English fela, feola "much, many;" Old English folgian; Old Irish lan, Welsh llawn "full;" Old Irish il, Welsh elu "much") .

Dravidian : Tamil pala ‘many, several, diverse’, palar ‘many or several
persons, assembly, society’, pal ‘many’; Malayalam pala ‘many, several,
various’; Kannaḍa pala, palavu ‘much, many, several, various’, palar,
palambar, palavar ‘several persons’; Telugu palu ‘many, several, various,
different’; Malto palware ‘to be multiplied, to be bred’, palwatre ‘to breed, to rear’. Burrow—Emeneau 1984:355, no. 3987; Krishnamurti 2003:266
*pal-V- ‘many’.

Dravidian also has : Tamil paru ‘to become large, bulky, plump; to swell’, paruppu
‘thickness, largeness’, pariya ‘thick, large, big’; Malayalam paru ‘gross,
big’  , Tuḷu pariya ‘plenty, exceeding, much’; Telugu prabbu ‘to increase, to extend, to
flourish, to thrive '.

49. Proto-Indo-European *bherEk’-, *bhreEk’- > *bhrēk’- ‘to shine, to gleam,
to be bright’: Sanskrit bhrā́jate ‘to shine, to gleam, to glitter’; Avestan
brāzaiti ‘to beam’, brāza- ‘shimmering; radiance’; Welsh berth ‘beautiful’;
Gothic bairhts ‘bright, manifest’, bairhtei ‘brightness’; Old Icelandic
bjartr ‘bright, shining’, birti ‘brightness’; Old English beorht ‘bright’; Old
Saxon berht, beraht ‘bright’; Old High German beraht ‘bright’; Lithuanian
brjkšti ‘to dawn’; Palaic Palaic (3rd sg. pres.) pa-ar-ku-i-ti ‘to clean, to purify’; Hittite pár-ku-uš ‘pure, clean’.

Dravidian: Kota par par in- ‘to become a little light before dawn’;
Kannaḍa pare ‘to dawn’; Telugu parãgu ‘to shine’; Malto parce ‘to shine
brightly, to be seen clearly’.

50 . Proto-Indo-European *bhl-en-dh-/*bhl-on-dh-/*bhl-n̥-dh- ‘mixed or dark
colored’: Proto-Germanic *blundaz ‘mixed colored, gray’ > Old English
blonden-feax, blandan-feax ‘having mixed colored or gray hair’. Germanic
loans in: Medieval Latin blundus, blondos ‘yellow’; French blond(e) ‘fairhaired,
blond’; Italian biondo ‘fair-haired, blond’; Spanish blondo ‘blond’;
Old Provençal blon ‘blond’ Sanskrit bradhna 'ruddy,yellowish,pale red' etc.

Dravidian: Tamil pul ‘tawny color’, pullai ‘dull, yellowish color’;
Malayalam pulla ‘a yellowish color of cattle’; Kota bul ‘liver-colored’;
Telugu pula ‘yellowish’, pulla ‘brown, tawny’; Gadba (Salur) pula ‘light
brown color’ (loan from Telugu).

51. Proto-Indo-European *bhongh-/*bhn̥gh- (secondary full-grade form:
*bhengh-) ‘to swell, to fatten, to grow, to increase’, *bn̥gu- ‘swollen, fat,
thick’: Sanskrit baṁhate ‘to grow, to increase’, bahú-ḥ ‘much, abundant,
great, large’; Greek παχύς ‘thick, stout, fat, massive’; Old Icelandic bingr
‘bed, bolster’, bunga ‘elevation’, bunki ‘heap, pile’; Old High German
bungo ‘clod, lump’; Latvian bìezs ‘thick’; (?) Hittite pa-an-ku-uš ‘all,
whole’ etc etc .

Dravidian *poṅk- ‘to increase, to swell, to expand’: Tamil poṅku
(poṅki-) ‘to boil up; to bubble up by heat, to foam and rage (as the sea); to
increase; to swell; to shoot up; to be elated; to burst with anger; to be
swollen; to rise; to grow high; to abound, to flourish; to be fruitful; to
cook’, poṅkam ‘increase, abundance, joy, splendor’; Malayalam poṅṅuka
‘to boil over, to bubble up, to spread’; Kota poŋg- (poŋgy-) ‘to increase
magically in number’; Kannaḍa poṅgu ‘to boil over, to burst open, to
expand, to open, to blossom, to swell, to be elated, to exult, to be
overjoyed’; Koḍagu poŋŋ- (poŋŋi-) ‘to swell’; Tuḷu boṅguni ‘to be
distended’, boṅku̥, boṅku ‘protuberance’; Telugu poṅgu ‘to bubble up, to
boil, to effervesce, to rejoice, to be elated, to be puffed up, to be proud’;
Kolami poŋg- (poŋkt-) ‘to boil over’; Naikṛi poŋg- ‘to expand’ etc .

52. Proto-Indo-European *bhr-uH- (> *bhrū-) ‘eyelash, eyebrow’: Sanskrit
bhrū́-ḥ ‘an eyebrow, the brow’; Pāḷi bhamu-, bhamuka-, bhamukha- (<
*bhramu- < *bhrūmu- [cf. Gray 1902:29, §57) ‘eyebrow’; Khowār brū
‘eyebrow’; Avestan (f. dual) brvat- ‘eyebrows’; Greek “-φρῦς ‘the brow,
eyebrow’; Middle Irish (gen. dual) brúad ‘eyebrow’; Old Icelandic brún (<
*bºruwōn-) (pl. brynn) ‘eyebrow’; Faroese brún ‘eyebrow’; Norwegian
brūn ‘eyebrow’; Swedish (properly a plural form) bryn ‘eyebrow’; Danish
(properly a plural form) bryn ‘eyebrow’; Old English brū ‘eyebrow;
eyelid, eyelash’ (Modern English brow); Lithuanian bruvìs ‘eyebrow’; Old
Church Slavic brъvь ‘eyebrow’Tocharian A pärwān-, B (dual) pärwāne ‘eyebrows’  etc etc .

Dravidian: Kota kam bu· (kam- < kaṇ ‘eye’) ‘eyebrow’; Kolami bu·r
‘eyelash, eyebrow’; Gadba (pl.) burgul ‘eyebrows’; Kuwi kanu būru

53. Proto-Indo-European *(s)phel-, *(s)phl̥- ‘spleen’ (plus extensions: *(s)phelgh
º-, *(s)phel-gh-en-, *(s)phel-gh-eA, *(s)phl-eH-gh-, *(s)phl̥-n-gh-, etc.):
Sanskrit plīhán- ‘spleen’; Bengali pilihā, pilā ‘spleen’; Hindi pīlha, pilaī
‘spleen’; Punjabi lipph ‘enlarged spleen’; Avestan spǝrǝzan- ‘spleen’;
Armenian pºaycałn ‘spleen’; Greek σπλήν ‘spleen’, (pl.) σπλάγχνα ‘the
inward parts’; Latin liēn ‘spleen’; Old Irish selg ‘spleen’; Breton felc’h
‘spleen’; Old Church Slavic slězena ‘spleen’ etc .

Dravidian: Tuḷu pallè ‘spleen’; Telugu balla ‘enlargement of the spleen’;
Parji bella ‘spleen’; Kuwi balla, bella, bela ‘spleen’.

54 . Proto-Indo-European *pl̥H- ‘fortified settlement’: Sanskrit pū́r (gen. sg.
puráḥ) ‘rampart, wall, stronghold, fortress, castle, city, town’; Greek πόλις
(Homeric πτόλις) ‘city, citadel’; Lithuanian pilìs ‘castle’; Latvian pils
Dravidian: Tamil paḷḷi ‘hamlet, herdsman’s village, hermitage, temple
(especially of Buddhists and Jains), palace, workshop, sleeping place,
school room’; Malayalam paḷḷi ‘hut, small settlement of jungle tribes,
public building, place of worship for Buddhists or foreigners, mosque,
royal couch’; Kannaḍa paḷḷi, haḷḷi ‘settlement, abode, hamlet, village’,
paḷḷiru ‘to rest, to inhabit’; Telugu palli ‘hut’, palliya, palle ‘small village’.
Krishnamurti 2003:8 *paḷḷ-i ‘hamlet’.

55. Proto-Indo-European *phreyH-/*phroyH-/*phriH- (> *phrī-) ‘to be fond of,
to care for, to feel affection for; to be pleased, happy, satisfied, or
delighted with’: Sanskrit prīṇā́ti ‘to please, to gladden, to delight, to
gratify, to cheer, to comfort, to soothe, to propitiate; to be pleased or
satisfied with, to delight in, to enjoy’, prī́yate ‘to be pleased’, priyá-ḥ
‘beloved, dear’, premán- ‘affection, kindness, fondness, love’, préyas-
‘dearer, more agreeable; a lover, a dear friend’, prīti-ḥ ‘pleasure, joy,
gladness, satisfaction’; Avestan frīnāiti ‘to love, to praise’, fryō ‘dear’;
Welsh rhydd ‘free’; Gothic freis ‘free’, frijei, frei-hals ‘freedom’, frijōn
‘love’, freidjan ‘to take care of’, frijōnds ‘friend’, friaþwa ‘showing love’;
Old Icelandic frjá ‘to love’, frjáls ‘love’ etc etc .

 Dravidian: Tamil pari ‘to be affectionate’, pari ‘love, affection’, parivu
‘affection, love, devotion, piety, delight, pleasure’; Malayalam parivu
‘love’; Kannaḍa paraḷiga ‘paramour’; Telugu perima ‘love, affection’.

56. Proto-Indo-European *pher-/*phor-/*phr̥ - ‘(vb.) to fly, to flee; (n.) feather,
wing’: Sanskrit parṇá-m ‘wing, feather’; Hittite (3rd sg.) pár-aš-zi ‘to
flee’; Latin -perus in properus ‘quick, rapid, hasty’, properō ‘to hasten’;
Old English fearn ‘fern’ (originally ‘feathery leaf’); Old Saxon farn ‘fern’;
Dutch varen ‘fern’; Old High German farn ‘fern’ (New High German
Farn); Russian Church Slavic perǫ, pъrati ‘to fly’, pero ‘feather’; Czech
prchnouti ‘to flee’; Polish pierzchnać ‘to flee' etc etc .

Dravidian: Tamil para (parapp-, parant-) ‘to fly, to hover, to flutter; to
move swiftly, to hasten, to be in a hurry; to be greatly agitated; to be
scattered, dispersed, to disappear’, (reduplicated) parapara ‘to hasten, to
hurry’, paravai ‘bird, wing, feather, bee’, pari ‘to run away, to flow out
quickly, to be displaced suddenly, to give way, to fly off, to be
discharged’, parai ‘flying, wing, feather, bird’; Malayalam parakka ‘to fly,
to flee’; Kota parn- (parnd-) ‘to fly, to run fast without stopping’;
Kannaḍa pari, paru ‘flying, running swiftly’; Tuḷu pāruni ‘to run, to fly, to
escape’; Telugu paracu ‘to run away, to flee, to flow; to cause to flee’,
pāru ‘to run, to flow’. Burrow—Emeneau 1984:358, no. 4020. Tamil pari
(-v-, -nt-) ‘to run, to go out, to escape’, pari (-pp-, -tt-) ‘(vb.) to run, to
proceed; (n.) motion, speed, rapidity, pace of a horse, horse’, parippu
‘motion’; Malayalam pari ‘horse’; Toda pary- (parc-) ‘(horse) to gallop; to
ride at a gallop’; Kannaḍa pari, hari ‘(vb.) to run, to flow, to proceed (as
work), to go away, to disappear, to be discharged (as debt); (n.) moving,
running, flowing, stream’; Tuḷu pariyuni, hariyuni ‘to run, to flow’;
Telugu parugu, paruvu, parvu ‘running, a run’, pāru ‘to run, to run away’,
paruviḍu ‘to run’; Malto parce, parctre ‘to run away’.

57. Proto-Indo-European *phen- ‘food, protection’: Latin penus ‘food
supplies, provisions’; Lithuanian psnas ‘food’, penù, penjti ‘to feed, to
fatten’; Gothic fenea ‘barley-groats, porridge’; Farsi panāh ‘refuge,

Dravidian: Tamil pēṇu (pēṇi-) ‘to treat tenderly, to cherish, to foster, to
protect, to regard, to esteem, to honor, to treat courteously, to worship, to
care for’, pēṇ ‘protection’, pēṇam ‘tenderness, regard, care, nurture’, piṇai
‘protecting with loving care’; Malayalam pēṇuka ‘to foster, to take care
of’, pēṇam ‘caution’, peṇṇuka ‘to take care of, to use, to take to oneself’;
Telugu pen(u)cu ‘to nourish, to nurture, to foster, to support, to rear, to
fatten, to increase, to extend’.

58. Proto-Indo-European *pher-/*phr̥ - ‘to bear, to bring forth’: Latin pariō ‘to
bear, to bring forth’; Lithuanian periù, perjti ‘to hatch’; (?) Gothic fraiw
‘seed’; (?) Old Icelandic frK, frjó ‘seed’, frjóa ‘to fertilize, to multiply, to be fertile’, frjór ‘fertile’, frjó-ligr, frjó-samr ‘fruitful’; Swedish frö ‘seed, grain’; Danish frø ‘seed, grain’.

 Dravidian: Tamil peru (peruv-, perr-) ‘to get, to obtain, to beget, to
generate, to bear’, pira ‘to be born, to be produced’, piravi ‘birth’;
Malayalam peruka ‘to bear, to bring forth, to obtain, to get’, p²ru ‘birth’;
Kota perv- (perd-) ‘to be born’, perp ‘birth’; Kannaḍa per- (pett-) ‘to get,
to obtain, to beget, to bear’; Koḍagu per- (peruv-, pett-) ‘to bear (child)’.

59 . Proto-Indo-European *pol- ‘to fall, to fall down’: Armenian phlanim ‘to
fall in’; Old Icelandic falla ‘to fall’, fall ‘fall, death, ruin, decay,
destruction’, fella ‘to fell, to make to fall, to kill, to slay’; Old English
feallan ‘to fall, to fall down, to fail, to decay, to die; to prostrate oneself’,
feall, fiell ‘fall, ruin, destruction, death’, fiellan ‘to make to fall, to fell, to
pull down, to destroy, to kill; to humble’; Faroese falla ‘to fall’; Danish
falde ‘to fall’; Norwegian falla ‘to fall’; Swedish fall ‘fall, descent’, falla
‘to fall, to descend’; Old Frisian falla ‘to fall’, fella ‘to fell’, fal ‘fall’; Old
Saxon fallan ‘to fall’, fellian ‘to fell’; Dutch vallen ‘to fall’, vellen ‘to fell’;
Old High German fallan ‘to fall’ (New High German fallen), fellan ‘to
fell’ (New High German fällen); Lithuanian púolu, pùlti ‘to fall (up)on, to
attack, to assault, to fall’; Latvian puolu, pult ‘to fall’.

Dravidian: Tamil pul ‘meanness, baseness’, pulai ‘baseness, defilement,
vice, lie, adultery, outcast’, pulaiyan ‘a low-caste person’, (f.) pulaicci,
pulaitti, pulaimi ‘baseness’, punmai ‘meanness, vileness, uncleanness’, pallan ‘vile, base person’, polliyār ‘low, base persons’, pollā ‘bad, vicious,
evil, severe, intense’, pollāṅku, pollāpu ‘evil, vice, defect, deficiency,
ruin’, pollā̆tu ‘vice, evil’, pollāmai ‘evil, fault’, pollān ‘a wicked man’,
polam ‘badness, evil’; Malayalam pula ‘taint, pollution etc etc .

60 . Proto-Indo-European *dhol-/*dhl̥- (secondary e-grade form: *dhel-) ‘to
swing, to dangle’: Armenian dołam ‘to tremble, to shake, to quiver’;
Swedish (dial.) dilla ‘to swing, to dangle’; Low German dallen ‘to dangle’.
Pokorny 1959:246 *dhel- ‘to tremble’; Sanskrit dola 'swing' ,shake'.

 Dravidian: Tamil tuḷaṅku (tuḷaṅki-) ‘to move, to sway from side to side (as
an elephant), to shake, to be perturbed, to be uprooted, to droop’, tuḷakku
(tuḷakki-) ‘to move, to shake, to bow, to nod’, tuḷakkam ‘shaking, waving,
motion, agitation of mind, fear, dread, diminishing, dwindling’, tulaṅku
(tulaṅki-) ‘to hang, to swing, to be agitated, to be disturbed’, tuḷuṅku
(tuḷuṅki-) ‘to shake, to toss’; Malayalam tuḷaṅṅuka ‘to move tremulously’,
tuḷakkam ‘shaking’; Kannaḍa tuḷaku, tuḷiku, tuḷuku, tuḷuṅku ‘to be agitated,
to shake’; Telugu dulupu ‘to shake so as to remove dust, etc.

61 Proto-Indo-European *tak’- ‘to touch, to strike, to push, to stroke’: Latin
tangō ‘to touch, to strike, to push, to hit’ (Old Latin tagō ‘to touch’);
Greek τεταγών ‘having seized’; Old English þaccian ‘to pat, to stroke’.

Dravidian: Kannaḍa tagalu, tagilu, tagulu ‘to come into contact with, to
touch, to hit, to have sexual intercourse with’; Tuḷu tagaruni ‘to draw
near’; Telugu tagulu, tavulu ‘to touch, to come into contact with; to strike
against; to follow; to pursue; to be entangled, ensnared, or caught’; Konḍa
tagli ‘to touch, to hit’; Malto take ‘to touch, to hurt’; Kuṛux taknā ‘to rub
or graze in passing, to give a very slight knock’.

62. Proto-Indo-European *tel-/*tol-/*tl̥- ‘to stretch, to extend; to bear, to
endure, to suffer’: Greek τλῆναι ‘to suffer, to endure, to bear’; Latin tolerō
‘to bear, to tolerate, to endure, to sustain’, lātus (< *tlā-) ‘broad, wide’;
Middle Irish tláith ‘tender, weak’; Welsh tlawd ‘poor’; Gothic þulan ‘to
tolerate, to suffer, to endure’; Old Icelandic þola ‘to bear, to endure, to
suffer’; Old English þolian ‘to endure, to suffer’, geþyld ‘patience’,
geþyld(i)gian, geþyldian ‘to bear (patiently), to endure’; Old Frisian tholia
‘to endure, to bear, to suffer’, thelda ‘to endure, to bear, to suffer’; Old
Saxon tholōn, tholian ‘to endure, to bear, to suffer’; Old High German
dolēn, t(h)olēn, tholōn ‘to endure, to bear, to suffer’, thulten, dulten ‘to
endure, to bear, to suffer’ (New High German dulden).

 Dravidian: Tamil tāḷu (tāḷi-) ‘to bear, to suffer, to tolerate, to be worth, to
be possible, to be practicable’; Kannaḍa tāḷ, tāḷu (tāḷḍ-) ‘to hold, to take, to
obtain, to get, to assume, to receive, to have or possess, to undergo, to
experience, to suffer patiently or quietly, to be patient, to endure, to wait,
to last, to continue unimpaired, to wear well, to bear with’, taḷe ‘to hold, to
bear, to carry; to put on (clothes)’; Tuḷu tāḷuni ‘to bear, to endure, to
suffer, to forbear, to have patience’, tāḷmè ‘patience, forbearance,
endurance’; Telugu tāḷu ‘to bear, to suffer, to endure, to be patient, to
refrain, to pause, to wait, to last, to wear, to be durable’, tālimi, tāḷimi,
tāḷika ‘patience, endurance’.

63.  Proto-Indo-European *thaph- ‘to press, to tread, to trample’: Sanskrit saṁ-
tápati ‘to oppress, to torment, to torture’, sáṁ-tapyate ‘to be oppressed,
afflicted’; Pāḷi tapo ‘torment, punishment, penance’, tapana ‘torment,
torture’; Greek ταπεινός ‘lowly, humble’ (literally, ‘downtrodden’); Old
Icelandic þefja ‘to stamp’, þóf ‘crowding, thronging, pressing’ East Frisian
dafen ‘to hit, to pound’; Old High German bi-debben ‘to suppress’;
Russian tópat' [топать], tópnut' [топнуть] ‘to stamp, to stamp one’s foot’.

Dravidian: Tamil tappu (tappi-) ‘to strike, to beat, to kill’, tappai ‘a blow’;
Kannaḍa dabbe, debbe, ḍabbe, ḍebbe ‘a blow, stroke’; Telugu dabbaḍincu
‘to slap’, debba ‘blow, stroke, attack’; Parji tapp- ‘to strike, to kill’, tapoṛ
‘slap’; Gadba (Salur) debba ‘cut, blow’ (< Telugu) .

64. Proto-Indo-European *thew-/*thow-/*thu-, *thewH-/*thowH-/*thuH- (>
*thū-) ‘to swell; to be swollen, fat’: Sanskrit tavas- ‘strong’; Latin tumeō
‘to swell, to be swollen, to be puffed up’, tūber ‘swelling, protuberance’;
Russian Church Slavic tyju, tyti ‘to become fat’; Lithuanian tumjti ‘to
become thick’, taukaĩ ‘(animal) fat’  Also  Proto-Germanic *θūs-χundi- ‘thousand’ > Gothic þūsundi ‘thousand’; Old Icelandic þúsund‘thousand’ (also þús-hundrað); Faroese túsund ‘thousand’; Norwegian tusund ‘thousand’; Swedish tusen ‘thousand’; Danish tusen ‘thousand’;
Old English þūsend ‘thousand’ etc etc .

Dravidian: Tamil tava ‘much, intensely’; Kannaḍa tave ‘abundantly,
greatly, wholly, completely, exceedingly’ .

65.  Proto-Indo-European *t’ekh(s)-/*t’okh(s)- ‘to do what is fit, appropriate,
suitable, proper’: Sanskrit daśasyáti ‘to serve, to oblige, to honor, to
worship,’ dasā́ ‘condition, circumstance, fate’, dákṣati ‘to act to the
satisfaction of; to be able or strong’, dákṣa-ḥ ‘able, fit, adroit, clever,
dexterous, industrious, intelligent’; Latin decus ‘distinction, honor, glory,
grace’, decet ‘it is fitting, proper, seemly’; Old Irish dech, deg ‘best’;
Greek δεκτός ‘acceptable’; Old High German gi-zehōn ‘to arrange’.

 Dravidian: Tamil taku (takuv-, takk-/takunt-) ‘to be fit, appropriate,
suitable, proper, worthy, adequate, proportionate, excellent; to begin; to
get ready; to be obtained; to be deserved; to resemble’; Kannaḍa tagu
(takk-) ‘to be fit or proper, to suit’; Tuḷu takka ‘fit, suitable, proper,
deserving, worthy’; Malayalam taku ‘to be fit, to suit’; Telugu tagu ‘to be
proper, becoming, fit, suitable, decent, worthy, competent’.

66.  Proto-Indo-European  *kai- "heat" Old English hat "hot, flaming, opposite of cold," used of the sun or air, of fire, of objects made hot; also "fervent, fierce, intense, excited," from Proto-Germanic *haita- (source also of Old Saxon and Old Frisian het, Old Norse heitr, Middle Dutch and Dutch heet, German heiß "hot," Gothic heito "heat of a fever")  Lithuanian kaistu "to grow hot" etc .

Dravidian *cūṭ-/*cuṭ-V- ‘to be hot, to burn’:
Tamil cuṭu (cuṭuv-, cuṭṭ-) ‘to be hot, to burn; to warm (tr.), to heat, to burn
up, to roast, to toast, to bake, to fry, to cook in steam, to burn (as bricks in
a kiln), to cauterize, to brand’, cuṭu ‘burning, heating, scalding’, cuṭar
‘light, brilliance, luster, sun, sunshine, moon, planet, fire, burning lamp,
flame, spark’, cuṭal ‘drops of burning oil falling from a lamp, charred end
of a burning stick’, cuṭalai, cuṭu-kāṭu ‘burning-ground’, cūṭu (cūṭi-) ‘to
brand (as cattle); to cauterize’, cūṭu ‘that which is heated, burnt, roasted;
heat, warmth; feverishness, fomentation; hot temper, anger, brand’, cūṭṭu
‘that which is burnt or cooked, a kind of ola torch’; Malayalam cuṭuka ‘to
burn (intr.), to be hot, to feel hot; to burn (tr.), to make hot, to toast, to
roast, to bake, to boil’, cuṭuvikka ‘to get one to burn’, cuṭar ‘fire,
brightness’, cuṭala ‘the burning place in the southern corner of the
compound; burning or burying place’, cūṭu ‘heat, burning’, cūṭṭu ‘torch’,
cūṭṭa ‘the top of a coconut branch used as a torch’; Kota tuṛ- (tuṭ-) ‘to
roast, to bake (pots), to burn (corpses)’, cuṛ ga·ṛ ‘funeral burning-place’,
cu·ṛ (oblique cu·ṭ-) ‘heat, a burn, spark thrown off by hammered iron’;
Toda tuṛ- (tuṭ-) ‘to burn (tr.)’; Kannaḍa suḍu (suṭṭ-) ‘to burn (tr.), to roast,
to bake, to fire (a gun); to be consumed with fire, to burn (intr.), to feel
hot, to be roasted’, suḍu ‘burning, etc.’, suḍuka ‘who has burned’,
suḍuvike, suḍuha ‘burning’, suḍu-gāḍu ‘cemetery’, sūḍu ‘cauterization,
burning’, sūṭe ‘a torch of wisps, etc etc .

67. Proto-Indo-European *ghabh- ‘to grab, to seize’: Sanskrit gábhasti-ḥ ‘hand,
arm’; Khotanese ggośtä (< *gabasti-) ‘handful’; Old Irish ga(i)bid ‘to take,
to seize’; Latin habeō ‘to have, to hold’; Umbrian habe ‘to take, to receive,
to have’; Gothic gabei ‘riches’; Lithuanian gãbana, gabanà ‘armful’. Avestan gauua 'hand (of demons)' ( Mayrhofer.).

Dravidian: Tamil kavar ‘to seize, to grasp, to catch, to steal, to get control
of, to receive, to experience, to desire, to have sexual intercourse with’,
kavarcci ‘captivation, attraction’, kavarvu ‘captivation, attraction, desire’,
kavavu (kavavi-) ‘(vb.) to desire, to embrace, to copulate; (n.) copulation’,
kavarru (kavarri-) ‘to attract’, kavai ‘to include, to join with, to embrace’;
Malayalam kavaruka ‘to plunder, to rob’, kavarcca ‘robbery, plunder’;
Kannaḍa kavar ‘to take away by force, to seize, to strip, to plunder’,
kavarte, kavate ‘taking by force, seizing, plundering’.

68. Proto-Indo-European *ghel-/*ghol-/*ghl̥- ‘(vb.) to plow; (n.) a plow’:
Sanskrit halá-ḥ ‘a plow’; Armenian jlem ‘to plow’; Lithuanian žúolis
‘sleeper, tie’.

Dravidian: Tamil kalappai ‘plow, plowshare’; Malayalam kalappa ‘a plow
and what belongs to it’; Telugu kalapa ‘materials for a plow, timber for
buildings’; Kannaḍa kalapu ‘materials for a house, for a plow’. Also related  Malayalam kalluka ‘to dig out, to excavate’ Tamil kallu (kalli-) ‘to dig out (as a hole), to hollow (as a rat), to excavate,
to scoop out (as a nut), to erode’, kellu (kelli-) ‘to dig’; Kota kelv- (kelt-)
‘to dig with fingers or paws’ .

69.  Proto-Indo-European *man/*min/ *mn 'fish'  Sanskrit mina 'fish' Greek  mái̯nǟ f, mai̯nís 'a small herring-like fish' etc etc .

Dravidian : mīṉ 'fish' .

70.  Proto-Indo-European *Har/Hṛ-‘to fit, to fix, to put together’: Avestan ar- ‘to arrange, to settle, to establish, to fix’; arǝm ‘right, appropriate’; Old Persian arta ‘truth’, Sanskrit ṛtá- ‘right, proper, true, order’, ṛtú- ‘fixed or fit time’, arpáyati ‘to put into, to fix’, áram ‘readily, fitly, enough’; Armenian aṙnem ‘to make’; Greek ἀραρίσκω (ararisko) ‘to join together, to fashion, to fix, to fit together, to construct, to prepare, to contrive, to fit, to equip, to make fitting or pleasing’; Latin ars, -tis ‘art, skill’; Tocharian A ārwar ‘ready, prepared’; Hittite āra 'right, proper, due'. (Dr. Benedetti personal communication) .

Dravidian: Tamil aram ‘moral or religious duty, virtue, dharma’, aravan
‘one who is virtuous, god, Buddha, ascetic, etc.’, aravi ‘virtue, that which
is holy, female ascetic’, araviya ‘virtuous’, araviyān ‘virtuous man’, aran
‘sacrificer’; Malayalam aram ‘law, dharma’; Kannaḍa ara, aru ‘virtue,
charity, alms, law, dharma’.  Also perhaps connected  Tamil
āru ‘way, road, path, means, manner, method’; Malayalam āru ‘way,
manner’; Kota -a·r in: o·yṇ-a·r ‘path’ .For an important  discussion on the subject see here.

71. Proto-Indo-European :  *man-(/*mon-)/*mn̥- ‘hand’: Latin manus ‘hand’;
Umbrian (abl. sg.) mani ‘hand’; Oscan (acc. sg.) manim ‘hand’; Gothic
manwus ‘at hand, ready’, manwjan ‘to (make) ready, to prepare’, *gamanwjan
‘to have prepared, to have ready’, manwiþa ‘readiness’, (adv.)
manwuba ‘ready’; Old Icelandic mund ‘hand’, mynda ‘to shape, to form’;
Old English mund ‘hand’; Old High German munt ‘hand’; Hittite (3rd sg.pres. act.) ma-(a-)ni-ya-aḫ-ḫi, ma-ni-aḫ-ḫi, ma-ni-ya-aḫ-zi, ma-ni-i-ya-aḫ-
zi, ma-ni-aḫ-zi (< *mn̥-yo-) ‘to hand out, to hand over, to consign, to
accord, to allot, to present, to proffer, to impart, to dedicate, to dispose of’,
(dat.-loc. sg.) ma-a-ni-ya-aḫ-ḫi-ya-at-ti ‘handout, consignment’) etc etc .

Dravidian : Tamil maṇṇu (maṇṇi-) ‘to do, to make, to perform, to adorn, to
beautify, to decorate, to polish, to perfect, to finish’, maṇṇu-ru ‘to polish
(as a gem)’, manai ‘to make, to create, to form, to fashion, to shape’;
Malayalam manayuka, maniyuka ‘to fashion, to form earthenware, to make
as a potter’.

The semantic development attested in Dravidian , which is rather remarkable and parallels Latin,Gothic etc  is absent in other language families !.

72. Proto-Indo-European *kar /*kr ‘to cry out, to call, to screech’:
Sanskrit járate ‘to call out to, to address, to invoke; to crackle (fire)’;
Crimean Gothic criten ‘to cry’; Old Icelandic krutr ‘murmur’, krytja ‘to
murmur, to grumple’, krytr ‘noise, murmur’; Old English ceorran ‘to
creak’, ceorian ‘to murmur, to grumble’, ceorcian ‘to complain’, cracian
‘to resound’, crācettan ‘to croak’, crāwian ‘to crow’; Old Saxon *krāian
‘to crow’; Dutch kraaien ‘to crow’, krijs ‘shriek, cry’, krijsen ‘to shriek, to
screech’, krijten ‘to weep, to cry’; Old High German crāen, krāhen,
chrāen, khrāen ‘to crow’ (New High German krähen); Middle High
German krīzen ‘to cry loudly, to groan’ (New High German kreissen ‘to be
in labor’); Old Chruch Slavic grajǫ, grajati ‘to crow, to caw’.

 Dravidian: Tamil karai (-v-, -nt-) ‘to sound, to roar, to weep, to lament, to
call, to invite’, karai (-pp-, -tt-) ‘to call, to summon’; Malayalam karayuka
‘to cry, to lament, to neigh, to caw, to caterwaul’, karaccil ‘weeping,
crying, lamentation; cry of certain animals or birds’, karaḷuka ‘to
mumble’; Kota karv- (kard-) ‘to bellow, to caw’; Toda kar- (karθ-) ‘to
bellow’, kark ‘bellowing’; Tuḷu kareyuni, karevuni ‘to crow’, karmbuni ‘to
mutter’; Kannaḍa kare, kari ‘to emit a sound; to sound, to call, to invite’,
karaha, kareyuvike ‘calling, etc.’; Telugu kraṅgu ‘the sound of a bell’,
krandu ‘to sound, to ring, to lament’; Naiki (of Chanda) karug-/karuk- ‘to
call, to crow, to invite, to summon’, karup- ‘to cause to summon (a
physician)’; Parji kerip- (kerit-) ‘to cackle’; Gondi karŋg- ‘to call’, karingi
‘calling’; Kui krāva ‘the tongue of a bell’; Kuṛux xarxnā ‘to ring, to jingle,
to clink, to give a sound’, xarxa"ānā ‘to make ring, to perform music’;
Malto qarġre ‘to cry out’.

73. Proto-Indo-European :  *pherkh-/*phr̥ kh-
‘to be afraid, to fear’: Gothic faurhtei ‘fear’, faurhts ‘fearful, afraid’,
faurhtjan ‘to be afraid’; Old English fyrhto (Northumbrian fryhto) ‘fear,
fright’, (ge)fyrht ‘afraid’, fyrhtan ‘to frighten’, forht ‘fearful, afraid’,
forhtian ‘to be afraid, to fear’; Old Frisian fruchte ‘fear’, fruhtia ‘to fear’;
Old Saxon foroht, foraht ‘fear’, forahtian ‘to fear’; Old High German
furhten ‘to fear’ (New High German fürchten), forhta ‘fear’ (New High
German Furcht); Tocharian A pärsk-, prask-, B pärsk-, prāsk- ‘to be
afraid, to fear’, A praski, B prosko, proskiye or proskye ‘fear’.

Dravidian : Tamil pirar̤ ‘to tremble’, pirar̤ cci, pirar̤vu ‘shivering,
trembling’, pirakkam ‘awe, fear’, pirappu ‘fear, alarm’; Kannaḍa piriki
‘coward’; Telugu piriki ‘coward; timid, cowardly’.

74.  Proto-Indo-European : *gau/*gu 'to bend, curl; round object', Greek γύπη cave, den, hole, Old English cofa 'cove, closet'; *kau- 'cavity', Lat. cavea 'hollow, cavity; cage, den, enclosure', cavus 'hollow, concave', Irish cúas 'hollow, cavity'. (Dr.Benedetti , personal communication )

Dravidian :   Tamil kevi ‘deep valley, cave’; Kannaḍa gavi ‘cave’; Tuḷu gavi
‘cave, hole, cell’; Telugu gavi ‘cavern’.
So ,we see relatively a large amount of cognates and root sharing, between Proto-Indo-European and Proto-Dravidian . I must inform that not all of them are exclusive to PIE and PD , several are shared with Proto-Afrasian and in few occasions Uralic, Altaic etc also. I must  say thanks to Dr. Alan R. Bomhard , whose great work A Comprehensive Introduction to Nostratic Comparative Linguistics was the reason, that  first made me see this remarkable relation of Dravidian and Indo-European . Talking about relations, it should be mentioned here, that PIE shares the largest amount of cognates with Proto-Afrasian (with grammatical relations also) and it can be  emphatically suggested excluding the non-IE neolithic substratum, seen among some Western and Southern European IE languages!. For shared roots and cognates between PA and PIE see here for example .But that's not the end by far!, as  PIE  shares a special relation, to Sumerian and Hurro-Urartian too , see here and here , making the claims made here for example totally unacceptable and baseless . All of which perhaps suggests , common genesis around Near East ! . Can Dravidian be added to the same category also? , frankly I don't have the answer and I think not anyone honestly , but it is indeed remarkable, that many of the forms attested in Dravidian are in Centum and non-Indic type form , which clearly rules out borrowing from Indo-Aryan as many are not even found in Indo-Aryan and in Eastern IE languages!. Can this mean that in India other unattested IE dialects once existed?. We do know for example that there is Bangani Language in Garhwal , which clearly has Centum features , perhaps we have to think of a two layered Indo-European expansion to South Asia. Where the first was closer to Centum and second brought Satemization.

Note : In this  post ,I have mostly taken the roots and words from Bomhard's work,  while linking them with other standard sources.  I have edited them, when found necessary and have kept the sources he cites , on some occasions as well . I didn't list here all of his comparisons as I didn't find the rest very robust , but certainly there are more and I will list them too , I am studying on the matter and I know I will add further , in near future , you know friends keep studying , it never stops . The more study you do , the more you learn about how you are deeply related to the sciences, arts , culture and also history , there my friends, there lies the freedom!.